Tag Ferdinand E. Marcos

EDSA through the eyes of Doy Laurel

Salvador H. Laurel wrote intermittent diary entries for June 1985, August 1985, September 1985, October 1985, November 1985, and December 1985. They trace the initial vigor, then collapse, of his campaign for the presidency, and the negotiations for his sliding down to be the candidate for the vice-presidency in what emerged as the Aquino-Laurel ticket.

This period is also described in my article, The Road to EDSA. In his article, Triumph of the Will (February 7 1986), Teodoro L. Locsin Jr. described the gathering of political titans that had to be brought into line to support the Cory candidacy:

It is well to remember that the unity she forged was not among dependent and undistinguished clones, like the KBL that Marcos holds in his hand. Doy Laurel, Pepito Laurel, Tañada, Mitra, Pimentel, Adaza, Diokno, Salonga and the handful of others who kept the democratic faith, each in his own fashion, through the long years of martial law, are powerful political leaders in their own right. Each has kept or developed, by sagacity and guts, a wide personal following. Not one thinks himself subordinate to another in what he has contributed to keep alive the democratic faith. As far as Doy is concerned, his compromises had enabled him to kept at least one portion, Batangas, of a misguided country as a territorial example of viable opposition. An example to keep alive the hope that the rest of the country could follow suit and become free in time.

We have forgotten how much strength and hope we derived from the stories of Batangueños guarding the ballot boxes with their lives and Doy’s people keeping, at gunpoint, the Administration’s flying—or was it sailing?—voters from disembarking from the barges in which they had been ferried by the Administration. This is the language Marcos understands, the Laurels seemed to be saying, and we speak it.

We have forgotten the sage advice of Pepito Laurel which stopped the endless discussion about how to welcome Ninoy. Every arrangement was objected to because, someone would remark, Marcos can foil that plan by doing this or that. Pepito Laurel said, “Huwag mo nang problemahin ang problema ni Marcos. His problem is how to stop us from giving Ninoy the reception he deserves. Our problem is to give Ninoy that reception. Too much talk going on here!” that broke the paralysis of the meeting.

This is the caliber of men who were approached with a project of unification that entailed the suspension, perhaps forever, of their own ambitions. Cory would be the presidential candidate, and Doy who had spent substance and energy to create ex nihilo a political organization to challenge the Marcos machine must subordinate himself as her running mate. In exchange, the chieftains would get nothing but more work, worse sacrifices and greater perils. Certainly, no promises.

After two attempts, she emerged, largely through her own persuasive power and in spite of some stupid interference, as the presidential candidate of the Opposition, with Doy as her running mate. She had not yielded an inch of her position that all who would join the campaign must do so for no other consideration than the distinction of being in the forefront of the struggle. This should be enough. She had exercised the power of her disdain.

There is a gap in the diary until it resumes with his entry for February 13-17,1986, in which Doy Laurel mentions discussions with foreign diplomats. Then the diary trails off until the EDSA Revolution begins.

It is interesting to situate his entries with the chronology available. Compare Laurel’s February 22, 1986 entry with the Day One: February 22 chronology, and his February 23, 1986 entry with the Day Two: February 23, chronology, and his February 24, 1986 entry with the Day Three: February 24 chronology, and his February 25, 1986 entry with the Day Four: February 25 chronology. The chronology of the Flight of the Marcoses, contrasts with Laurel’s  diary entries for February 26, 1986 and February 27, 1986.

For more, see my Storify story, EDSA: Memories and Meanings, Timelines and Discussions.

The end result would be a bitter parting of ways; see What’s with Doy?  October 3, 1987.

Since the other side of the coin involves Ferdinand E. Marcos, see also my Storify story, Remembering Marcos.

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Posts added February 3-9, 2013

Victor Buencamino:

February 3, 1942

February 4, 1942

February 5, 1942

February 6, 1942

February 7, 1942

February 8, 1942

February 9, 1942

 

Lydia C. Gutierrez:

February 3, 1945

February 4, 1945

February 8, 1945

February 9, 1945

 

Francis Burton Harrison:

February 3, 1936

February 4, 1936

February 5, 1936

February 6, 1936

February 7, 1936

February 8, 1936

February 9, 1936

February 29, 1936: entry completed

 

Juan Labrador:

January 16, 1945

January 17, 1945

January 18, 1945

February 4, 1945

 

Ferdinand E. Marcos

February 3, 1970

February 4, 1970

February 5, 1970

February 6, 1970

February 7, 1970

February 8, 1970

February 9, 1970

 

Basilio J. Valdes:

February 6, 1945

February 7, 1945

February 8, 1945

Posts added January 27-February 2, 2013

Victor Buencamino:

January 28, 1942

January 29, 1942

January 30, 1942

January 31, 1942

February 1, 1942

February 2, 1942

 

Francis Burton Harrison:

January 28, 1936

January 29, 1936

January 30-31 & February 1-2, 1936

 

Juan Labrador:

January 21-29, 1942

January 31, 1945

 

Ferdinand E. Marcos:

January 28, 1970

January 29, 1970

January 30, 1970

January 31, 1970

February 1, 1970

February 2, 1970

 

Basilio J. Valdes:

February 5, 1945

 

To mark the anniversary of the Battle of Manila, starting tomorrow, we will be publishing the Liberation Diary of Lydia C. Gutierrez, which was originally published in the Sunday Times Magazine in 1967.

The First Quarter Storm through the eyes of Ferdinand E. Marcos

Prior to the scrapping of the 1935 Constitution, presidents would deliver their State of the Nation Address in January, at the Legislative Building in Manila.

On January 26, 1970, President Marcos, who had been inaugurated for an unprecedented full second term less than a month earlier, on December 30, 1969 (see Pete Lacaba’s satirical account, Second Mandate: January 10, 1970), was set to deliver his fifth message to the nation.

The classic account of the start of what has come to be known as the First Quarter Storm is Pete Lacaba’s The January 26 Confrontation: A Highly Personal Account, February 7, 1970 followed by his And the January 30 Insurrection, February 7, 1970. From another point of view, there is Kerima Polotan’s The Long Week, February 7, 1970. Followed by Nap Rama’s Have rock, will demonstrate, March 7, 1970.

And there, is of course, the view of Ferdinand E. Marcos himself.

January 23, 1970 and January 24, 1970 were mainly about keeping an eye out on coup plots and the opposition, as well as reshuffling the top brass of the armed forces and picking a new Secretary of National Defense.

January 25, 1970 was about expressing his ire over the behavior of student leaders.

On January 26, 1970 Marcos wrote,

After the State of the Nation address, which was perhaps my best so far, and we were going down the front stairs, the bottles, placard handles, stones and other missiles started dropping all around us on the driveway to the tune of a “Marcos, Puppet” chant.

Marcos then noted,

Some advisors are quietly recommending sterner measures against the Kabataang Makabayan. We must get the emergency plan polished up.

January 27, 1970 and January 28, 1970 were spent housekeeping –talking to police generals– and warning the U.S. Embassy they had better not get involved. Marcos began to further flesh out the rationale for his forthcoming emergency rule:

If we do not prepare measures of counter-action, they will not only succeed in assassinating me but in taking over the government. So we must perfect our emergency plan.

I have several options. One of them is to abort the subversive plan now by the sudden arrest of the plotters. But this would not be accepted by the people. Nor could we get the Huks, their legal cadres and support. Nor the MIM and other subversive [or front] organizations, nor those underground. We could allow the situation to develop naturally then after massive terrorism, wanton killings and an attempt at my assassination and a coup d’etat, then declare martial law or suspend the privilege of the writ of habeas corpus – and arrest all including the legal cadres. Right now I am inclined towards the latter.

On January 29, 1970 Marcos rather angrily recounted receiving a delegation of faculty from his alma mater, the University of the Philippines; and reports in his diary that a very big student protest is due the next day.

The next day would prove to be even more explosive than the day of Marcos’ State of the Nation Address: the attack on Malacañan Palace by student protesters. Marcos writes about it in his January 30, 1970 diary entry:

…the Metrocom under Col. Ordoñez and Aguilar after reinforcement by one company of the PC under Gen. Raval arrived have pushed up to Mendiola near San Beda where the MPD were held in reserve. I hear shooting and I am told that the MPD have been firing in the air.

The rioters have been able to breach Gate 4 and I had difficulty to stop the guards from shooting the rioters down. Specially as when Gate 3 was threatened also. I received a call from Maj. Ramos for permission to fire and my answer was “Permission granted to fire your water hoses.”

For an overview of the events of that day, see Pete Lacaba’s And the January 30 Insurrection, February 7, 1970. This was another in what would turn out to be historic reportage on historic times; as counterpoint (from a point of view far from enamored of the students) see Kerima Polotan’s account mentioned above.

The next day, January 31, 1972, Marcos further fleshed out his version of the student attack on the Palace, and begins enumerating more people to keep an eye on –politicians, media people; he also mentions the need to suspend the Writ of Habeas Corpus –eventually.

For an overview of the First Quarter Storm, see also Manuel L. Quezon III’s The Defiant Era, January 30, 2010.

Entries added, January 21-27, 2013

Victor Buencamino:

January 21, 1942

January 23, 1942

January 24, 1942

January 25, 1942

January 26, 1942

January 27, 1942

 

Francis Burton Harrison:

January 21, 1936

January 22, 1936

January 25, 1936

January 27, 1936

 

Juan Labrador:

January 24, 1945

January 25, 1945

January 27, 1945

 

Ferdinand E. Marcos:

January 21, 1970

January 22, 1970

January 23, 1970

January 24, 1970

January 25, 1970

January 26, 1970

January 27, 1970

 

Other updates:

We will be adding two new diaries to the Philippine Diary Project:

The Clinical Record of President Manuel L. Quezon, the journal kept by his doctors and nurses from April 18-August 1, 1944.

The Liberation Diary of Lydia C. Gutierrez, covering one week of events during the Battle of Manila in February, 1945.

Earlier, we started adding entries from the Diary of Victor Buencamino (the first Filipino veterinarian), who was the father of another diarist featured in the project, Felipe Buencamino III. While Felipe Buencamino III was in Bataan, his father was serving as manager of NARIC, precursor of today’s National Food Authority.

 

Entries added, January 14-20, 2013

Victor Buencamino:

January 1, 1942

January 2, 1942: entry completed

January 3, 1942

January 4, 1942

January 5, 1942

January 6, 1942

January 7, 1942

January 9, 1942

January 10, 1942

January 11, 1942

January 12, 1942

January 13, 1942

January 14, 1942

January 15, 1942

January 16, 1942

January 17, 1942

January 18, 1942

January 19, 1942

January 20, 1942

 

Francis Burton Harrison:

January 15, 1936

January 18 & 19, 1936

January 20, 1936

 

Juan Labrador, OP:

January 18, 1942

January 19, 1942

January 20, 1942

 

Ferdinand E. Marcos:

January 14, 1970

January 15, 1970

January 16, 1970

January 17, 1970

January 18, 1970

January 19, 1970

January 20, 1970

 

Basilio J. Valdes:

January 19, 1942: corrected some names

Entries added January 7-13, 2013

Antonio de las Alas:

June 26, 1945: completed entry

Francis Burton Harrison:

January 7, 1936

January 8, 1936

January 9, 1936

January 11, 1936

January 12, 1936

January 13, 1936

February 11, 1936: completed entry

Ferdinand E. Marcos:

January 7, 1970

January 8, 1970

January 9, 1970

January 10, 1970

January 11, 1970

January 12, 1970

January 13, 1970

Entries added, Jan. 1-5, 2013

Victor Buencamino:

January 2, 1942

April 8, 1942

April 10, 1942

April 11, 1942

April 26, 1942

December 16, 1944

 

Francis Burton Harrison:

January 1, 1936

January 2, 1936

January 3, 1936

January 4, 1936

August 11, 1936: completed entry

 

Salvador H. Laurel:

March 23, 1945 — Friday

March 24, 1945 — Saturday

March 27, 1945 — Tuesday

March 30, 1945 — Friday

October 7, 1985

October 18, 1985

October 31, 1985

November 11, 1985

November 12, 1985

November 21, 1985

November 23, 1985

December 7, 1985

December 8, 1985

December 11, 1985

February 13-17, 1986

February 22, 1986

February 23, 1986

February 24, 1986

February 25, 1986

 

Ferdinand E. Marcos:

January 1, 1970

January 2, 1970

January 3, 1970

January 4, 1970

January 5, 1970

 

Rafael Palma:

December 30, 1896

February 25, 1986

I arrived punctually before 9 A.M. –everybody –the political and local leaders, the local and foreign media– were all there. But Cory was nowhere. I inquired her whereabouts. Tessie Oreta, Butz Aquino did not know. We waited two hours. Finally at 11 A.M. I was able to talk to her on a two-way radio. “Cory –where are you? Is there a problem? You should be here now. Everybody’s waiting!” She could not talk on the radio phone, she said, “There is a problem. Could you please come?” “Where are you?” I asked. “Same place as yesterday.”

I rushed to Josephine’s house in WW. I was there in 3 minutes. When I arrived everybody was so quiet, as if someone had died. I was met by her son, Noynoy at the entrance. I was led to her room. When I opened the door Cory was seated on a chair looking out the window.

“What’s wrong, why are you still here? Everybody is waiting. And at high noon, which is 55 minutes from now, FM is taking his oath. We must beat him to it!”

“But Enrile told me not to go. He says we will all be killed there. He says I should take my oath in his office at Camp Aguinaldo. I’ll be safe there, he said. You have to talk to Enrile.”

“It’s too late to change the venue. I’ll talk to Enrile. Can someone dial him for me? I don’t know his phone number.” Ballsy dialed and in a moment Enrile was on the phone.

“Johnny, this is Doy, I’m here with Cory. She says you don’t want her to take her oath at Club. But everybody’s there now. All media is there, about 2000 leaders and news people are there. They’ve been waiting for more than two hours.

“Johnny, there is no problem about security there. I’ve taken care of that. I have about 300 Batangueños, ready to protect us. We cannot show any fear at this time. FM will take his oath in an hour. Why don’t you and Eddie Ramos take a chopper and land like commandos. That will be dramatic.” Enrile agreed, “OK Eddie and I’ll be there in 10 minutes.”

February 24, 1986

CCA arrived at 10 A.M. We met in her sister’s house at Wack Wack (near my house). I told her we must take our oath today. She agreed and asked me to make all the arrangements. I decided on Club Filipino. I invited opposition leaders and local and foreign media.

CCA came again at 5 P.M. at home. Somebody must have scared her. She said Club Filipino was too fragile and vulnerable to attack from FM men. She asked to see my father’s house (beside my house). It was already dark at 6 P.M. when we walked to the house. When she saw the concrete walls, she was impressed. “I prefer it here. Dito na.” She said “Besides, I don’t think Marcos will attack the Old Man’s house.” She remembered FM’s public admission that he owed his life to the Old Man. “OK with me.” I said “But if FM will really attack us, he will attack us wherever we are. Besides it may not be able to accomodate 2000 political leaders and media people we expect. Likewise we have already announced the plan to the press. Ituloy na natin baka akalain pa ng tao naduduwagan na tayo. We are the leaders, Cory, and we must never show fear. Courage is contagious but so is cowardice.”

Cory was quiet. Then she said, “Kabado pa rin ako. And I don’t do things at night, call it superstition. But I’d rather take our oath in the morning, in the sunlight.”

“Well your instincts have always been good so far. OK we’ll reset it for tomorrow at 9 A.M. –Club Filipino.” Then she went back to Josephine’s house.

February 13-17, 1986

We met with State Department people (Claude Buss and Guy Pauker). Then came Reagan’s special envoy, Philip Habib, on February 17. Speaking for CCA and myself, I told him, “We will never give up the fight to dismantle the dictatorship. We will go on and on until FM steps down and obeys the true mandate of the people.” He said he would talk to FM –that same afternoon.

We concentrate on the foreign press for coverage.

December 8, 1985

I called a press conference to announce the filing of my candidacy as official UNIDO candidate for the presidency.

In my statement I said: “I can sacrifice myself. I can sacrifice the presidency. But I cannot sacrifice my party and principles. I cannot sacrifice my party and principles. I cannot sacrifice the people who have suffered so much and worked so hard all these years, risking life, liberty and even honor, to put up the political machine that is now capable of toppling the Marcos dictatorship.”

That same afternoon I filed my certificate of candidacy with COMELEC.

Telegrams and long distance calls from all over the country poured in expressing support for my candidacy.

August 19, 1985

Met with JBL and Neptali Gonzales, Nani Perez, Arthur Defensor re filing of impeachment complaint vs. Marcos. Chances are very slim in the Batasan because it is dominated by Marcos. But it can add pressure to Marcos to make him call a Snap Election.

June 14, 1985

I will have to raise funds. Many friends are helping but not enough to support a presidential campaign. Marcos is entrenched –20 years in power. He is no longer popular and he is sick -but businessmen are still afraid of him. I will have to tap friends in Japan and U.S.

Since Marcos has not yet announced the holding of snap elections, this gives me time to raise funds and go around the country. UNIDO will have to match KBL organization. KBL has all the local officials as members. But we have the people. It’s a matter of making them know that the opposition is united under one leader and candidate. The people want change. They have had enough of Marcos.

Meanwhile, beside fund-raising, a calibrated exposure to media, especially the foreign press, which is not under control of Malacañang! I will be fighting a man with unlimited funds and who has the AFP as his private army!

Consolidating opposition forces while reaching out to disgruntled KBLs.

Leaving for Cagayan de Oro to meet Mindanao leaders. Leaving for Tokyo, New York and Washington. Will be back on Sunday, June 23.

June 12, 1985

Today was a whole day affair. More than 25,000 delegates and leaders of UNIDO attended the Nominating Convention at the Araneta Coliseum. They came at their own expense. All we gave them was a hamburger, two hard boiled eggs and a banana for lunch. All political leaders identified with the opposition were present. Even Cory came despite attempts of her “advisers” to dissuade her.* I am told by old-timers that it was the biggest and fightingest political convention on record –and I was unanimously nominated presidential standard bearer of the opposition. I expect Marcos to call a snap election soon –before Christmas.

This will be an all-out fight.

I immediately set the tone of the presidential campaign in my acceptance speech which I entitled “The Final Battle”:

The UNIDO is committed to non-violent change. Bloody revolution is not the only path to freedom: Democracy cannot take root amidst violence. All confrontation must end in reconciliation.

But those who would oppose us know that we will never give up this fight.

We will never give up the fight against repressive rule, against deception, against hypocrisy, against the twisting and shrouding of truth. We will never give up the right to live as human beings in a society where human rights are not denied at the will or whim of one man. Democracy is non-negotiable.

*I am confident we will have only one candidate in the opposition. The only other possible candidate is Cory but she has repeatedly told me she is not interested and that she will never run for the presidency. She has said this privately and publicly. She appears to be sincere. She attended today’s convention and even delivered a speech supporting my candidacy. I was told her advisers (Tañada, Diokno, Arroyo) were trying to stop her and she was in tears because she wanted to –and she did. Her advisers obviously have their own agenda. I hope Cory will not become a tool in their hands.

Jan. 1, 1983

I had sought to protect the sacredness and preciousness of my memories of the war with the sanctity of silence. So I had refused to talk or write about them except in an indirect way when forced to as when I offered my medals to the dead for I believed all such medals belonged to them.

But the sanctity of silence has been broken by the pettiness and cynicism that overwhelms the contemporary world. And the small souls whose vicarious achievement is to insult and offend the mighty and the achievers have succeeded in trivializing the most solemn and honorable of deeds and intentions. Their pettiness has besmirched with the foul attention the honorable service of all who have received medals and citations in the last World War. They have not excluded me. But instead have made me their special target as the most visible of those who offered blood, honor and life to our people.

So I must fight the battles of Bataan all over again. We must walk our Death March in the hot April sun once again. The Calvary of the USAFFE must again be told.

For we bleed and die again. This time in the hands of men who claim to be our countrymen.

(The Philippines News Story)

the…

Nov. 25, 1977

And so I ended my personal war without any sense of victory but weighed down by the tears that could not flow.

My hope was that I could heal the scars of my spirit, more galling than those of my body.

My right abdominal muscles were cut through never to grow back and my left knee was mangled.

But the injury of my soul was deeper and despairing.

November 24, 1977

I have decided to add interest to the referendum campaign by picking Ex-Pres. Macapagal as the best strawman and issuing an answer to his charges before the Manila Lion’s Club under Cesar Lucero on the MNLF having been brought about by the proclamation of martial law, martial law lifting and my resigning as president and leaving the country so that there would be free elections.

November 10, 1977

Conversation with Sison.

April 1, 1977

1977-04-01-01a 1977-04-01-01b

[p.1]

Sierra Lakes

Malacañan Palace

Manila

April 1, 1977

Life after Life —

The phenomenon of 12 people declared clinically dead and returned to life.

Hair-raising as these experiences coincide with mine in August of 1974 when I was ill of black-water fever in the Philippine General Hospital.

As I explained to the boys some time ago, the floating away from the body seemed to me then a part of my delirium but when I recounted what I saw floating above my body and everyone else, the priest coming to give me extreme unction, the doctor (Dr. Agerico B.M. Sison) saying I was gone, the people around me trying to revive me, etc., it was uncanny that it coincided with what actually happened.

 

[p.2]

Sierra Lakes

Malacañan Palace

Manila

April 1, 1977

Father Cruz keeps repeating that the North Vietnamese won the war with only rifles and rockets against the greatest military power in the world because of their national spirit.

Partly true. It is also true that the South Vietnamese were not equally resolved and motivated because they were not convinced that they were fighting for their country since the Americans loomed large as the principal protagonist and interested party. The South Vietnamese were not fighting for their country. Desertions were high.

Paradoxically, neither were the Americans (both the leaders and followers) convinced of the justice of their cause. Desertions were equally high. And the councils of government were divided. The media were against the war.

So the United States held back its power. It was fighting with one hand tied behind –voluntarily.