May 1945
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Month May 1945

May 31, 1945 Thursday

Today is a holy day of obligation, Corpus Christi, and we heard Mass.

Upon our arrival from church, there were rumors that more detainees from Manila were coming. At 11 o’clock, an amphibian truck arrived with 35 persons. I could recognize only two—Dr. Gualberto, the Mayor of Rosario, Batangas and Mr. Aurelio Alvero, a young leader. They informed us that thousands are being detained all over the Philippines and that many more will be brought here. I could not help but cry.

I know that those who left the country when the Japanese came or who fled to the mountains are undoubtedly patriots. I am not willing to brand them as cowards, renegades. They complied with their duty towards our country in their own way. I admire them. But we sincerely hope that they too would understand our situation. Not all of us could go abroad or live in the wild parts of our country, either for reasons of age or physical condition, or family. I know of countless persons now under suspicion and detention who were more than willing to leave and continue their patriotic activities either abroad or in the mountains. But what could they do” They could not leave their family behind—their wife and small children. They could not be thoughtless and cruel to their family. But know that deep in their hearts they felt sincere sympathy towards the Americans and true love for their country. Some found ways in which they could be of help to their country, without exposing their lives too much. Many of them were actually caught, tortured, and incarcerated, and some even killed by the Japanese. Many, although working for the government, never failed to do their bit for our country. As a matter of fact, we know positively that more than one half of our personnel were American sympathizers and guerrillas. We knew who they were. We took no action.

Let it be known that we here have never been traitors to our country and that all we did was done in the spirit of service to our people so that they may survive and so that our country may enjoy that for which we are ready to give our very life—her independence.

The newcomers came by airplane—better than the means of transportation given us. We were herded like cattle, loaded in a boat and crammed in a hold (bodega) with no water and very little ventilation.

I need not make a “Who’s Who” of the 35 newcomers. But I would like to say something about five of them. Dr. Gualberto was elected Mayor of Rosario many times. He was Mayor before and during the Japanese regime. When the Americans came he was asked to serve and did serve for 6 days. But the C.I.C. came, investigated him and later arrested him. He related that he was taken to the public plaza. A small section of the plaza was encircled with chicken wire and in the middle of the circle, he was made to sit on a wooden box. He sat there for two days. When he could not stand it any longer, he stood up and walked around. He was punished for that. He was taken to Manila and lodged in Bilibid Prison. His wife and family did not know where he was taken. It took them a month to find him. It is hard to believe that a man who had been chosen by the people so many times to head them was so disgraced and humiliated—exhibiting him like an animal in a public plaza.

Aurelio Alvero, is a master of the Tagalog language. He had been leader of the young people for many years. He organized various associations, one of which was called “Kalturap”. Later, when the Makapili was organized, it was generally believed that he was one of the organizers and one of the leaders of that society. He denies it vehemently. He believes that the impression was created by his association with Pio Duran who he greatly admires. According to Alvero, Duran was sincere and a man of conviction. He sought nothing for himself. He loved his country no less than the most patriotic Filipino. In fact he was admired by everybody who knew him intimately. He honestly believed that the course he had taken was the best means of helping our country. He was never pro-Japanese; as a matter of fact, he was thought to be pro-Chinese. The truth was that he is pro-his-country. He had nothing in his heart but the liberty and welfare of his country. For it, he was willing to sacrifice his life. Alvero continues about Duran: his last act was a great blunder and is regretted very deeply by his numerous friends. He was linked to Benigno Ramos, an ambitious man, wholly unprincipled whose sole aim was to be in power and amass wealth. Ramos organized an Army called the “Makapili” which, according to him would fight against the Americans. Many of them did fight. Duran joined Ramos as his assistant and one of the leaders of the organization. He is reported to be dead. We lost a patriot whose life had been dedicated entirely to the cause of his country.

Mr. Alvero alleges that he disagreed with Mr. Duran on the organization of the Makapili, so they parted ways. Duran continued with the Makapili and he organized a new one called the New Leaders Association. The organization had for its aims: to teach love of country; to propagate the national language; to keep peace and order; and to help the people in the procurement of food so that they may live and survive. Those purposes are indeed praiseworthy.

Col. Alfonso Torillo was a Major in the Philippine Constabulary when the war broke out. When the Constabulary was inducted into the USAFFE, he naturally became an officer of that Army. He was then stationed to Cavite as Provincial Commander. The Army ordered him to retreat to Bataan before the Japanese takeover. But his column was cut off and they had to remain in Cavite. Naturally, he disbanded his force, and like all other officers of the USAFFE, surrendered to the Japanese. The Japanese asked him to rejoin the Constabulary, and at that time refusal to obey was considered a hostile act and consequently meant detention at Fort Santiago. Torillo accepted. He was made Commander of the general service troops in Manila. When the Americans landed in Leyte, he lost no time in deserting the Constabulary and, together with the men in his troop in the USAFFE, joined the guerrillas. He and his men brought with them the weapons they were able to conceal from the Japanese. The guerrillas welcomed him and recognized him as one of them. He took part in various engagements, including that of Norzagaray.

But later, he was arrested by the C.I.C. and now he is here. He must have been the victim of the practice of the C.I.C. of arresting anybody against whom two affidavits have been received. He is now very bitter against the Americans.

In this connection, I notice that the C.I.C. is very slow in sizing up the situation. They do not seem to know that some persons are taking advantage of the situation to denounce and have their enemies arrested. Some make affidavits to cover up crimes they had committed by having possible witnesses imprisoned or even killed. Also, some detainees denounce persons, especially former officials and prominent persons, because they believe that the more important persons are detained, the better their chance of creating public reaction in their favor. They will then have a better chance of being released. The C.I.C. is blind enough not to see such diabolical plan.

Among the newcomers, there are two extremes in so far as age is concerned. One is very old and the other very young. The old man is almost 90 years old—87 to be exact. He has been charged with espionage. Is it possible that this feeble old man could still do some work of espionage? Well, I know that in this world anything is possible, but I think they should pardon him, whatever it is he has done. Let the few remaining years of his life be free from bitterness.

At the other extreme is a boy named Alfredo Camilon, only 14 years old. I was told that in Bilibid there is a 12-year old. Alfredo used to work in an airfield in Batangas together with hundreds of his townmates. According to his story, while walking home from the airfield with two gantas of rice, he was accosted by men who robbed him of his rice, and afterwards accused him of espionage. His father is a paralytic, and he had to be the breadwinner and therefore had never been to school. Could it be possible that this boy was a spy?

A funny, but at the same time tragic, incident occurred. On his first day in camp, Alfredo walked with us to the messhall. The American guard thought he was one of the local boys who sometimes are able to sneak in to mix with us or try to sell us something. He ordered the boy to get out. But then he was told that the boy was one of the detainees. The guard got very mad; he began damning his own countrymen. He said that he could not believe that Americans would do such an absurd and stupid thing.

We noticed that the guards are very eager to learn more about us. At the beginning, they took us for ordinary criminals and we were treated as such. There was one young guard who treated us very roughly. He ordered us around in a most haughty way, using rough and even indecent language. But he has changed. The guards must have found out who we are. They now seem to understand our situation and are as agreeable as possible. They try their best to make us comfortable; we can see that they fully sympathize with us. The officers complain that in spite of the ban, so many things are being brought in for the detainees. In order not to get our friends, the guards, in trouble, we do not tell them that the guards sneak the gifts in.

Sometimes the situation is reversed—they are the prisoners and we the guards. They become very melancholy and call on us to talk to them and cheer them up. They talk and dream of home and the loved ones they left behind. They are homesick. We try our best to help them forget, otherwise they get drunk to drown their sorrows.

Since the newcomers came, we have been with them constantly to get the latest news. They brought with them many newspapers and we have been reading them very thoroughly.

First I asked about Batangas from Dr. Gualberto. He said many towns have been almost completedly destroyed. Very little is left of Lipa, Bauan, Batangas, Lemery and other municipalities. First, the Americans shelled these cities and towns; afterwards, the Japanese burned everything before withdrawing. Thousands and thousands of my provincemates have died from bombings and shellings, and the guerrillas who killed indiscriminately. But the greatest number of casualties was massacred by the Japanese upon their retreat.

My relatives seem to be all safe. My uncle Vicente is alive. So are many of my friends. My cousin Rufo Noble is again the Mayor of my hometown, Taal. I was told that my cousin, Froilan Noble, who disappeared about a year ago, came back. He was arrested by the Japanese and taken to Mindoro. He was reported to have been killed by the Japanese or died from malaria, and we had already mourned him.

In Manila things are getting back to normal, but prices are going up because of shortages of supply. There is also the very serious menace of inflation. I regret that no importance is being attached to this phase of the problem. Rice is already costing a few hundred pesos a cavan. A newspaper article fears that it may go up to the same level as during the Japanese occupation. I worry about what is happening to my family.

The government is not running smoothly. The head, President Osmeña is away and those remaining are confused and lack leadership. The people do not respect them. The most important problems are left untackled.

Some of the newcomers are Ministers Emilio Tria Tirona and Arsenio Luz, Mayor Leon Guinto, Justice Jorge Bocobo. Many more arrive everyday. The American guards remarked that soon they themselves would not be able to enter the crowded prison.

* * * * *

Because of the Madrigal-Aguinaldo incident with Confesor, the Board of Directors of the Philippine Chamber of Commerce was reorganized and Gil Puyat was appointed President. It is a very good selection in my opinion. Puyat is the youngest leader in our business world. He is a successful merchant and when the College of Commerce of the University of the Philippines was reorganized, Puyat was asked to be the Dean of the Institution. His first step was to bring in outstanding or successful Filipino merchants as lecturers on certain phases of business. I was one of those prevailed upon to give lectures on merchandising as I learned it as Vice President of Marsman Trading Corporation. Teaching is not new to me as I began my career as a teacher and for many years I was a lecturer in Political Science in the University of the Philippines. So I would merely be resuming my former activity. The war prevented the carrying out of my new activity.

There is a growing tendency to encourage or create a division between Osmeña and Roxas. From all indications a fight may not be avoided. I am sure their many friends, like myself, would like to intervene to prevent such a thing from happening. Osmeña is now a very old man. He has been a leader or one of the two leaders of our country for generations. He had been our leader until he shared it with President Quezon. The first time I heard of him was in 1907 when I read an article written by an American praising him for the way he organized the new Philippine Assembly. All agree that he is honest and his love for his country is very intense.

Osmeña puts the welfare of his people above personal ambition. I remember that in 1922, his most ardent followers were very disappointed when he settled his differences with President Quezon on the Collectivista-Unipersonalista issue to prevent disunity among the people. In 1933-1934, he entered into an understanding with President Quezon after his defeat on the Hawes-Cutting Act. I was not certain whether the people were behind Mr. Quezon on that issue as the weighty reasons were on the other side. Furthermore, Osmeña was also backed by many young and upcoming leaders, like Speaker Roxas. But he knew what a separation and fight with President Quezon would mean—it would be most prejudicial to the welfare of the people and future plans to prepare our country for an independent life. He withdrew and left the leadership of President Quezon undisputed.

What a beautiful lesson this is for our people and future generations. Personal ambition, everything must be sacrificed for the good of the country. I wish every Filipino would be imbued with that spirit. We would then be a great people. Osmeña makes sacrifice a gospel and preaches it enthusiastically.

In the many elections I have run in, I was defeated only once—that was my second or third fight for Speakership against another great Filipino, Speaker Quintin Paredes. After his election, I made a public statement conceding it, praising him and offering my unconditional support. I stood by my word as I had never worked in the Assembly as hard as when Mr. Paredes was our leader. In a short time, we again had to face each other for Speakership Protempore. This time, I regained my former position. They say the Ilocanos are regionalistic. However, I received almost one-half of the votes from all the Ilocano provinces. A big banquet was tendered in my honor in front of the provincial building in Batangas. One of the speakers was President Osmeña. As usual, he preached unity for our country’s sake. Among other things, he cited my conduct after my defeat by Paredes. He spoke of it in glowing terms, considering it as an act which would foster unity and the stability our country. Osmeña is old now. Many believe that as a fitting recognition of his fruitful career in public service, he should be honored by electing him the first President of the Republic.

Manuel Roxas, a young man, has been in the public eye since 1919. He graduated from the University of the Philippines with honors. He was one of the topnotchers in the bar examination in 1914. He had a good start in life as he immediately went to work for one of our great jurists as private secretary. He was a good disciple, rising in stature in the legal profession. In 1919, his province claimed him by electing him provincial Governor of Capiz. But it soon became obvious that that place was too small—Manila was the field for him. He was elected Representative. His ability was not yet known in Manila at that time. Nobody thought of him for Speaker.

Of all the Collectivista Representatives, I happened to be the only one who was known nationwide. Many representatives talked to me; they wanted to honor me with the Speakership. I well knew that I was not prepared for the task; but then there was nobody else—none of us had any parliamentary experience. I agreed. The Unipersonalistas were composed of formidable debaters and parliamentarians, like Briones. We Collectivistas had the most number of members but we did not have a majority to put up a candidate for Speaker, unless we entered into a coalition with either the Unipersonalistas or with the Democratas. The composition then was about 33 Collectivistas, 28 Unipersonalistas and 22 Democratas.

One evening, President Quezon who was also President of the Senate, invited me out, and to my surprise he took me to Dreamland Cabaret in Cavite. After dancing a little, he talked to me thus:

“Tony, I understand you are a candidate for Speaker.”

“Yes,” I answered.

“Can you get elected?”

“Well, judging from the number of Collectivistas who talked to me, I have a majority.”

“But the Collectivistas do not constitute the majority.”

Here I remained silent because I did not want to tell him a plan that had been carefully laid out by his “enemies”.

Somehow or other it leaked out that the President wanted Roxas to be the Speaker. Plans were afoot to defeat Quezon’s wishes. They had conducted an investigation and found out that I could get a majority among the Collectivistas. A delegation of three Unipersonalistas, headed by Representative Briones came to see me to insist on my continuing my candidacy. They pledged 100 percent support of the Nacionalistas. On the other hand, the Democratas did not seem to favor my candidacy. However, they led me to believe that they would support me.

Returning to the cabaret conference, President Quezon stood up and said:

“Well, I congratulate you. You will be the Speaker. But I will not be President of the Senate.”

“Why, Mr. President?”

“You and I cannot be President and Speaker. We are both Tagalog, and to make it worst, we come from the same district. Unless I can enter into an understanding with Osmeña in the next election, we will be defeated.”

I instantly answered him: “Continue as President. We cannot afford to let you go. I withdraw.”

My friends were very disappointed. They charged me with cowardice and pessimism. I kept quiet. Roxas was elected after several days of deadlock, with the support of both wings of the Nacionalistas. The enemies of Quezon and Roxas, however, did not stop their intrigue against them. During the first days, we had sensational sessions. They always raised points of order to engage Roxas, and they were encouraged, by a third party—the Democratas. Whenever there was such a crisis I was asked to intervene. Many times I had to go around and talk to our friends, sometimes up to midnight, to save the Chair. Finally, Mr. Roxas was sent to America and I was elected Speaker Protempore. He remained there for many months. When he returned, he acquired enough reputation and prestige to ensure full recognition as a national leader. He was not only a brilliant orator, but he also had the courage to fight. He was ambitious and read extensively. In a very short time he mastered parliamentary rules. He could talk and debate on any question, including financial and economic. He had the personality that appealed to men and women—but especially to women who later became a decisive factor in the elections. He is highly patriotic, so when the clarion call of his country sounded, he hurriedly donned his uniform to fight. He is now one of our two outstanding leaders. His leadership is undisputed. He is bound to reach the summit.

Many Filipinos believe that our country will be able to regain the strength sapped by the war if Roxas and Osmeña work hand in hand in solving our serious problems. They wish that the people will allow Osmeña to close his long career of service to his country by honoring him with the Presidency. Roxas is young. He will still be around for many years. If there is any period in our history which requires understanding and unity, it is now. This is perhaps the most critical period in our history. Much of what we do now will bear upon the future prosperity of our country. We are praying for a united front. In this we sincerely offer our assistance, but not in the capacity of leaders but of followers.

Other news: the prices of commodities continue to go up. The necessary action should be taken now to avoid inflation.

The newcomers tell us of how they were insulted and villified at the beginning by our own countrymen—some even threatened to shoot them. In many cases, they did this in the presence of the Americans just to get their favor. Many of us still have a lot to learn—a strike against a countryman causes no more than a laugh and ridicule on the part of the foreigners who see us. Much need to be done along these lines.

May 30, 1945 Wednesday

We were given a ration of cigarettes.

As may be remembered, from the very beginning I was insisting on submitting our case to the President, His Excellency Sergio Osmeña. In fact I thought that we should submit our case to him even before Gen. MacArthur, or we could do it simultaneously. I am aware that Gen. MacArthur may be the one to decide our case. But we must first give due respect and obedience to our own leaders and officials. There can be no stable government if the citizens do not respect and obey such government and also respect duly constituted authority. Mr. Osmeña is our President and we must give him what he is entitled to—our respect as citizens of the country of which he is the head. The curse in the past has been our lack of confidence in and respect for our own officials. How many petitions were addressed directly to the American Governor General instead of the corresponding Filipino officials? How many times have our prominent citizens sought conference with the American Governor General to submit to him matters which should and could have been decided by a Filipino official? We cannot establish a good and stable government that way.

There are many lessons in democracy that we must learn if we wish to enjoy eternally the blessings of independence. One of them is to abide by the decision of the majority.

Notwithstanding the progress of democracy, there has not as yet been devised a form of government under which all the citizens can take active part in the administration. So far, respresentative democracy has been found to be the most practical and the only way of carrying out the principles of democracy. The people themselves, by means of elections, select the men, the officials who are to manage the government for them. Being selected by the people those officials are the servants of the people. The trouble in the past, and this has caused serious conflicts and even revolutions, was that there were persons who, after their election or selection, forget that they owe their position to the people and derive all their authority and power from the people. They place themselves above the law and even disregard or contradict the wishes of the people. We must guard against the ascension into power of such men. On the other hand, once elected, we must show him respect and extend to him our full support. Unless we respect and obey duly constituted authorities we will not be able to run a government.

I am pleased then that we have decided to address our petition to Pres. Osmeña. Whatever he decides will be respected. We know that he will do what should be done and will not be influenced or pressured by any person—that he will decide each case based on its merits. We will abide by his decision.

May 28, 1945 Monday

We heard a lot of machine gunning and cannonading. Probably the Americans found the hideout of the remnants of the Japanese Army in Palawan.

We waited a long time for reliable news concerning the shooting on the 25th. I am afraid the truth will never be known. The first version was that the shooting was caused by a love triangle, with Lt. Severance, Dr. Garrulao, and his wife, as the characters in the tragedy. Dr. Garrulao is the pharmacist and chemist of the Iwahig Hospital. It is alleged that there was an amorous relationship between the Lieutenant and Mrs. Garrulao. In a fit of jealousy, Mr. Garrulao took two shots at the Lieutenant. The Lieutenant missed being hit by rolling into the ditch. In trying to disarm him, Dr. Garrulao was hit on the head.

The latest version is that Dr. Garrulao was reported to possess illegally a rifle and two revolvers. These were found in his house and confiscated. The Chief of Police who came to arrest him was met with gunfire. Dr. Garrulao was arrested and locked up in the hospital. Why the hospital? It is rumored that Dr. Garrulao is insane and had to be detained in the hospital.

The real story continues to be a mystery.

May 27, 1945 Sunday

We heard Mass. The priest said just a few words, but the message was significant and was deeply appreciated. He said that he regrets to announce that he is leaving and may not be back until after two months. He hopes that by that time we will not be here anymore. He wished us good luck. Some interpret it as a message that we will soon be leaving.

Prisoners like us are such fools. We entertain ourselves with too much wishful thinking. We live on hopes and dreams. Of course, this is the natural result, born out of desperation and of sentimental attachment to family. Rumors spread like wild fire; rumors like the construction of the new camp where we will be transferred has been suspended since it will take over two months to finish and by that time we shall be gone. This news was later confirmed, but the source was not reliable. We pray it is true so that we may be able to embrace our family once more.

May 26, 1945 Saturday

My friend who I call “partner”, Governor Proceso Sebastian, has been sick with fever during the last three days. I am attending to him and bringing him food. I talked to the doctors about his ailment. I could just imagine how he feels—far from home, without his wife and dear ones. It must be terrible to be sick in bed. I am praying for his immediate recovery. Already he is showing signs of getting better.

This evening, we were awakened by intense barrage of anti-aircraft fire. We were of course alarmed; some went out to see what was going on. The rest of us stayed inside but we were ready to run, if necessary. The next morning, we learned that a Japanese plane appeared and dropped a few bombs. Nobody knows where it came from. Of course we won’t know whether any damage has been caused as this is a military secret.

May 25, 1945 Friday

There was a rather strange happening today. We heard three shots very near our quarters. One of the bullets passed two or three yards from my bed, to the bed of Gov. Sebastian. We ran out and dove into a ditch—Yulo, Madrigal, myself and others. We saw American soldiers running with their guns; some of them threw themselves flat on the ground, some ran behind the mango trees with their guns ready to shoot. We thought and feared that Japanese snipers were around. There were all kinds of rumors but nobody could tell for sure what actually happened.

May 24, 1945 Thursday

Last night, we received the memorandum order of May 15, 1945, providing for the classification of detainees. Therein we are called “limited assimilated prisoners of war”. The order is issued in accordance with the Geneva Convention. We were detained probably pursuant to (g) paragraph 76 of the Rules of Land Warfare adopted to Geneva. According to this provision, “Persons whose services are of particular use to the hostile army or its government, such as the higher civil officials x x x, may be made prisoners of war.” I doubt the applicability of this provision to us. The Philippine Republic during the Japanese occupation not being recognized by America, its declaration of the state of war was illegal and null and void. If so, the Philippines was not only not an enemy, but an ally. This was evidenced by the fact that Filipino soldiers fought side by side with the American soldiers.

The order classifies those in this community into two: those with “Officer Status” and those with “Enlisted Status”. Those belonging to the former are Emilio Abello, Rafael R. Alunan, Sergio L. Aquino, Sergio Bayan, Antonio de las Alas, Francisco C. de la Rama, Guillermo B. Francisco, Vicente Madrigal, Jose Paez, Quintin Paredes, Claro M. Recto, Pedro A. Sabido, Jose G. Sanvictores, Proceso E. Sebastian, Teofilo Sison, Jose Urquico, Jose Yulo and Francisco Zulueta. To the Enlisted Status belong all other detainees in this camp. I repeat that we did not ask for classification to foment class distinction and because we do not want to mix with the other people in the compound some of whom are very poor or very ignorant. We of course would prefer to be in quarters separate from the present compound for the sake of more comfort and sanitation. But if classification does not result in separate quarters, we would have preferred to let things stay as they are. Our companions have been true friends to us. I also admire their spirit of helpfulness. There are many of them who whenever they see us working insist on doing the work. Their attitude is very encouraging. It shows that complete union of the Filipinos can be realized.

One of the main differences between the two classes is that the officer class will not be required to work. The enlisted class may be so required.

I forgot to state that the officer class were former governors, chiefs of bureaus, cabinet members, as well as heads of the military establishment under the Japanese.

In the memoradum order, there is an expressed prohibition for an officer to have a personal servant, and those in the enlisted class are not permitted to act as personal servants to any other individuals confined in the camp. Undoubtedly, this prohibition has been purposely prescribed. We so-called big shots are being charged with using the others as servants or as orderlies. This is of course far from the truth. We have never required anybody to work for us, nor have we requested them to do so. Any service rendered by them has been entirely voluntary and upon their own initiative. They know that we are not used to doing manual labor, and following the Filipino custom and tradition, they insist on doing the work for us. In the provinces, if you have been good to your neighbors they would not allow you to do manual work. I believe this is also the case in the United States and everywhere else. The leaders are supposed to do the intellectual work, the manual labor being performed by those not prepared for the intellectual and technical work. Nevertheless, we insisted in doing manual work. Even Chief Justice Yulo and the millionaire Vicente Madrigal had to take a broom and sweep.

In accordance with the memorandum order, all detainess had to elect a spokesman. He is to act, not only as liaison officer, but as the representative of the detainees in presenting their grievances and complaints. We elected for the position Speaker Quintin Paredes, a very able and worthy man for the position. We virtually have constituted him the leader of the officer class.

The enlisted detainees also had to elect one group leader for every 250 men. For this position, they elected Dr. Hilario Camino Moncado. Both elections will have to be approved by the commanding officer of the camp. Unfortunately, the men belonging to the enlisted class have not been taking the matter very seriously. They joke a lot about it, and I am afraid this time they’ve gone too far. They held an election for assistant leader, although the memorandum order did not provide for such position. The joke was that they put up as candidate a man called Tony, who had been acting as a sort of leader or boss, to run against a man by the name of Cuaresma, who is mentally retarded and physically deformed. Tony had been a good and strict leader, but he lost to Cuaresma who obviously could not be a leader. Naturally, this action irked and angered Tony and now there are division quarrels among them and complete disorganization. Dr. Moncado could not control them; he has resigned.

* * * * *

I must preface the following discussion by stating that we have reached very definite opinions on certain points: that because of the improper, brutal and even uncivilized conduct of the Japanese in the Philippines, the Filipinos cannot be for the Japanese and will hate them for generations to come; that there is no comparison between the Americans and the Japanese, and if we had to choose between the two, we certainly would vote for the Americans 100%.

But although comparison is odious, we would like to compare the treatment accorded by the Japanese to government officials, and the treatment now being accorded us by the Americans. When the Japanese came they did not arrest nor even molest the Filipino officials. On the contrary, the Japanese offered them the government. The Filipinos were of course reluctant to even consider it. But when they saw that the people were suffering because of abuses on the part of the Japanese soldiers, they accepted believing that they would then be in a position to help and save their countrymen. They discovered later that they could do little.

Worthy of mention also in this connection is that, after a very short detention during which they were given what the Japanese called “rejuvenation course”, our officers and enlisted men in the USAFFE were released.

Whenever we compare this treatment with that being shown to us now, we cannot help but express indignation. We are very bitter. We have been arrested, deported and imprisoned. According to announcements it will be for the duration of the war. What makes it very painful is that we had all been staunch supporters of America before the war; that from the beginning we had prayed fervently for the return of the Americans and for the victory of the United Nations who, we were told, were fighting for individual liberty, for democracy and the right of small nations to continue their independent existence. Being a liberty loving people, the Filipinos wholeheartedly supported America to the extent of sacrificing the flower of our youth. (About 100,000 young men died in Bataan and other places).

What makes it very painful is that we did not have the least intention of serving the Japanese; our sole purpose was to serve our people. At the very first opportunity, we travelled over steep and almost impassable mountains, rivers and ravines to reach the American lines, and we had never experienced such happiness, forgetting our fatigue and sacrifices, as when for the first time in over three years we saw an American soldier. Now these same people that we have waited for so long have arrested and placed us in a penitentiary. What a disappointment! What a paradox!

Today, a Colonel from Manila came for inspection. He went through the premises and left apparently satisfied. But he said something in a very emphatic way which indicates the belief they entertain about us. He said that we must not attempt to communicate anything by any means, such as codes, marks, figures, etc. Their censors are experts and our attempt will be discovered. We are afraid they take as all for spies and traitors.

There was blackout tonight. But no enemy planes appeared. The blackout lasted for only a few minutes so it might have been just an air raid practice. Japanese planes have almost all been destroyed and it is just unthinkable that any of them could reach Palawan especially in view of the fact that they seem to need all their planes somewhere else.

May 23, 1945 Wednesday

Today, we are sad. In the issue of “Free Philippines” of May 17, 1945 Miss Margaret Parton of the New York Herald Tribune reports certain remarks made by Secretary Maximo Kalaw of Public Instruction and Information, who was in the U.S. as member of the Filipino delegation to the United Nations Security Conference held in San Francisco, and later as Acting Head of the delegation when the Chairman of the delegation, Gen. Carlos P. Romulo became ill, Among other things, Kalaw is reported to have said, “Naturally, the Philippines being considered dependent, we would support the first proposal. (The first proposal is the original independence for all dependent peoples.) But if this is not adopted—and there will certainly be opposition to its adoption—we are ready to support the English proposal, for placing all dependencies on the trustee basis.”

We wonder if Mr. Kalaw is only speaking for himself or for his delegation, or if he is authorized to make that statement by President Osmeña and his Cabinet. The subject matter is so important and fundamental for the future of the Philippines that I believe Mr. Kalaw should not have committed himself without authority or at least without consulting the head of our present government.

Let us examine the assertion of Mr. Kalaw. In the first proposal, why should he admit that the Philippines is a dependent country? Such admission should have been accompanied by a full explanation, otherwise our special status might not be known nor understood. Dependent countries are those countries that are at present known as colonies. Mr. Kalaw very well knows that the Philippines is not a colony of the United States; not even the United States so considers the Philippines. Ours is a special and unique status. We came under the flag of America against our will. We had conquered the Spaniards and we had set up our own Republic with a democratic system of government. The U.S. insisted in remaining here and, because of our smallness and weakness, we had to accept. From the very beginning, however, America declared her intention of preparing us for self-government, and in 1916 she made the formal promise of granting our independence. The only condition imposed was that we should establish a stable government. We believed that we had established a stable government. But American politics intervened. The Democratic Party, which was in power when the promise was made, went out of power and the Republican Party took the reins of government. Immediately, the Republic President sent investigators to the Philippines and their reports were used to justify the disregard of the promise of independence in the Jones Law. But the Democrats regained power and in 1935, the U.S. Congress, with the approval of Pres. Roosevelt, passed a law providing for independence after ten years. During this period a Commonwealth Government would be established and that period was provided so that the Philippines would be able to readjust the economics of the Philippines to its future status of independent country. During that period, we were to prepare our country for an independent existence. Pursuant to that law we were going to have our independence on July 4, 1946. How can you call a country under those circumstances a dependent country? How can you put our country on the same level as the English colonies? Kalaw should not admit that the Philippines is dependent. But if he believes that the Philippines is a dependent country, then all the circumstances above mentioned must be stated. Great emphasis should be given to the fact that on July 4, 1946 we will be a member of the concert of nations. It should expressly be pointed out that the Filipinos want that program of independence in 1946 carried out. But of course Mr. Kalaw cannot do it if he is one of those who now favor the postponement of independence and ultimately the permanent retention of the Philippines by America.

Why did Mr. Kalaw not insist on independence? Why did he put up the alternative that if independence is not adopted, we would accept the English plan of trusteeship of dependencies? Such alternative will only weaken our demand for independence. I wonder if the English trusteeship plan has been fully explained to Mr. Kalaw. Personally, I see it this way: Great Britain is the greatest colonizing country in the world. Undoubtedly, what she desires is the continuation of her colonies. A proposal coming from the English will simply mean that colonies will continue to be such, but the appellation has been changed. Instead of colonialism it will be called trusteeship. But you can be sure that it is exactly the same as colonialism. It seems to me that what Britain is seeking is a formal international sanction of her colonial system.

What does Mr. Kalaw mean when he said that “there will certainly be opposition” to the proposal of independence? Opposition where and from whom? If he means in the Philippines, he should first ascertain the extent of the opposition. If the majority of the Filipinos are for independence, and I am sure this is the case, then the opposition should be disregarded unless he means to cast off the democratic way of deciding national issues. Mr. Kalaw cannot speak for the Filipino people as he does not as yet know the feeling of the majority of that people. If he means to refer to the opposition in the Allied Conference in San Francisco, what he should have done first was to insist that the Philippine independence issue does not come under the jurisdiction of the conference inasmuch as it is already settled that the Philippines will be an independent nation in 1946. America cannot oppose as she was the one who approved granting us independence in 1946. As to England, she will naturally be opposed as she is the greatest colonizing country in the world. In fact, it is well known that she had opposed the granting of independence to the Philippines in view of the possible effect it would have in her colonies in the Far East. Other colonizing countries would oppose too.

But there will be nations favoring strongly the independence proposal. Already Russia has suggested that “independence” as well as “self-government” should be declared the “aim for all decent peoples.” This is quite a strong language which indicates to what extent Russia will go on this question. In that same newspaper report, Mr. Kalaw is reported to have stated that the Philippine Commonwealth “will stand with Russia on her suggestions.” How can Kalaw support the Russian proposal of independence and at the same time accept the proposal of trusteeship? They certainly are incompatible. Like oil and water, they cannot mix.

We ardently hope that Pres. Osmeña will disauthorize Secretary Kalaw.

Independence will come and no power can stop its onward march.

 

May 22, 1945 Tuesday

Poetry seems to be contagious for today two poems were submitted, one by Minister Quintin Paredes and the other by Governor Sergio Aquino. Copies of each poem are attached hereto. Everybody was surprised about Don Quintin who was well known as a statesman and jurist, but nobody was aware of his talent to write poetry. Aquino was known as a poet. He evidently abandoned poetry to embrace the cause of our country and to serve our people. He became Fiscal and later Governor of Tarlac. His executive ability earned him a promotion to Governor of a district composed of the provinces of Pangasinan, Tarlac, Pampanga, Nueva Ecija, Zambales and Bataan. His poetry shows that he must have been a good poet.

We read in a local bulletin that Osmeña was coming home—back to the Philippines. Accompanying him were the members of two Committees—one composed of Senators and Representatives who are members of the Committees in the U.S. Congress having jurisdiction over the Philippines, including the Chairman of the Senate Committee, Senator Milliard Tydings; the other, a technical committee composed of military men (Army and Navy), and economists. The purpose for the visit of these Committees is not stated. But we fear that a survey will be made by both Committees which may later be used to justify the postponement of independence or the retention of the Philippines as a U.S. colony. Our only consolation is that before we left Manila at the end of April, we read a statement from Osmeña to the effect that independence is a settled issue; in other words, independence will come on July 4, 1946 or sooner. There was an insinuation that the date would be accelerated. But of course the Committee may report that the destruction of the Philippines is such that rehabilitation will constitute a serious problem, and that in order for America to help or to want to help, independence must be postponed. They may even report that it is the wish of the Filipino people to postpone independence.

Already it is rumored that there are agents of imperialism in the U.S. Army and Navy, in the C.I.C., who would attempt to influence us so that we ourselves would petition for the postponement or at least express sentiments in favor of such postponement. There are reasons to believe this rumor. It should be remembered that when we were in the headquarters of the Army operating around Baguio, Colonel Arsey, who seemed to be a member of the General Staff, asked us what we thought of independence. When we answered that we did not want it postponed, he seemed surprised and stated that he had talked to hundreds of Filipinos and 95% of them were for postponement. Similar questions I understand are being asked by some members of the C.I.C. This work of the Imperialists for retention is reported to have the backing of influential Filipinos, like Mr. Carlos Romulo.

Personally, I believe that the Filipino people will vote against retention. No amount of money and influence will swing them from their determination. If the vote in a plebiscite is adverse, fraud must have been exercised. But of course I may be wrong. It is feared that the Congress of the U.S. will revoke or modify the Tydings-McDuffie Act without consulting the Filipino people. We all understand of course that once independence is postponed we will never get our independence or at least its attainment would be attended by great difficulties. But I am sure of one thing: that until independence is actually attained, the agitation for it will never stop. Already Taruc and Alejandrino have organized their United Front, one of the purposes of which is to fight any person, group or party, whether Americans or Filipinos, who will want independence denied or postponed. As events are developing, there may be formed two parties in the Philippines with a clear cut issue on independence—one will be against and in favor of American domination, and the other in favor of immediate and absolute independence. The cleavage may cut along social lines: rich men who believe that only America could protect and preserve their wealth, will line up on one side; and those who sincerely believe that it is the destiny of all peoples to constitute themselves into independent nations, and those who believe that the Philippines by right should be free and independent, will line up on the opposite side. Those against independence may win in the first elections. But each defeat will only encourage those for independence to work harder, and in the long run they will win for their cause is just, right and patriotic. The retentionists will meet the same fate as the “Federal” and “Progressive” parties in the Philippines. The cause of Philippine independence will triumph in the end.

Such a fight will of course be prejudicial and injurious to the Philippines and the Filipinos. We have to admit that there was stagnation in the economic development of our country, due not only to the economic policies of America which favored only the Americans, but also to the fact that the Filipino leaders devoted their whole time to the political issue of independence, thus neglecting to prepare a comprehensive economic program for the development of the Philippines.

The American committees, however, may not consider any political issue. As the Philippines has shown loyalty to America and the Filipinos have not only sacrificed their homes and property but even their lives side by side with the U.S. forces, America may wish to help in the rehabilitation of the Philippines. The Committees may want to have first hand knowledge of the economic problems in order that they may be in a better position to assist the Philippines. In that case, we should be very thankful and very grateful.

My conversations within the compound have not been limited to the so-called big shots. I have also talked to the lowliest of us here in the colony. Some of them cannot even read nor write. I came across three men—Catalino Capasi, Almadover and Caramay—who all hail from the town of Sta. Rosa, Laguna, where I have many friends. They said that they were arrested, charged with being “Sakdal” or “Kapili”. They swore that they had never joined any of these organizations. One of them, Caramay, says that he was a “cochero” (rig driver), and it is possible that Sakdals and Kapilis had used his vehicle. They said that Sakdals and the Kapilis left with the Japanese. But one common feature during their interrogation was that they were compelled by the Americans to admit their guilt. They were beaten up by their American interrogators, slapped and boxed whenever they denied their guilt. At first, I just could not believe it. But they insisted that they were telling the truth and I am now inclined to believe them. But they also know of many cases where the arrested or suspected persons were threatened with bodily harm, but no actual force was used; where they were promised release or immunity if they would admit their guilt or sign affidavits against other persons. In other words, all means short of the use of force were employed in order to obtain a confession or admission on the part of the arrested person. Governors Aquino and Urquico told us that no such cases were reported to them. As a matter of fact, they were glad that they fell into the hands of the Americans because other suspects who were taken by the guerrillas—a good many of them—were put to death. According to the two Governors, a woman was burnt to death in the public plaza. I am just wondering whether cruelty is an Oriental trait. The Japanese have shown themselves to be unnecessarily cruel. The Chinese are also known for their cruelty. Are we Filipinos the same?

Although receiving gifts from the outside is prohibited unless the gifts go through the office, they continue to come. Gifts of food are not given to the addressee but divided among all of us. Many donors are anonymous. A Mr. V. Macasaet has sent me many things but I do not remember him nor do I know why he gives me anything. Do we really need the protective custody?

We were given a ration of shoes and clothing which are all second hand, having already been used by the American soldiers. With the exception of the shoes and underwear, we do not wear them. It is because they are all marked “X”. Why they are thus marked we do not know. The “X” probably serves to indicate that the articles now belong to the prisoners. We are not required to wear them. So, I have been wearing the clothes donated by charitable persons.

We try to make our lives less monotonous if possible. We want to forget our situation so that we would not be worrying too much and we would not continue expressing our indignation. Chief Justice Yulo does not seem to be able to do this. Instead of gaining like the rest of us, he is the only one who has lost weight. How do we pass the time then? We wake up early and immediately prepare for the outdoor group calisthenics. This lasts from ten to twenty minutes, and is obligatory. The exercises are quite scientifically prepared, involving all parts of the body. It is amusing to see overweight people, like Mr. Madrigal, perform the difficult movements in our exercises. After exercises, we proceed to the mess hall for breakfast. After breakfast, those of us detailed for the day’s work, clean the compound. When not on duty, I spend my time reading and writing. At noon, after lunch, we take a little nap. Afterwards, we either play a little poker or I continue reading and writing. Suppertime is early—as early as five o’clock. After supper we engage in personal conversations.

The most interesting part of the day is after 8 o’clock in the evening. A musical program is staged every night. We certainly have elements for the program. One of them, a Mr. Sotto, son of Don Vicente Sotto, is a very good singer. There are many other good singers. Then there is dancing choreographed by Dr. Hilario C. Moncado. The program is very amusing and we enjoy ourselves very much. Some of the American guards—the good ones, especially one by the name of Johnny—also take part in the program. A half past nine, the program ends and we then go to bed. I never forget to pray before going to bed. I pray to God to give health and comfort to my family. I pray for the salvation of our people.

We never miss hearing Mass on Sundays.

May 20, 1945 Sunday

The memorandum was put it final form. As we had no typewriter Minister Paez wrote it with his very fine handwriting. Those who signed the memorandum are the original fourteen, Don Vicente Madrigal and Governors Aquino and Urquico. Instead of giving the contents of the memorandum, I shall attach hereto a copy of it. In this connection, it should be stated that Justice Yulo believed that the document should have been stronger. For instance, the use of the phrase, “which should not be overlooked.” Yulo did not insist on his suggested changes because, as it will be remembered, there was a dissenting opinion (Minister Sison) on the question of whether we should submit a memorandum or not. I was strongly in favor of presenting such a memorandum to both President Osmeña and General MacArthur. I argued that our silence might be interpreted as an admission of guilt and later they may allege that they took no definite action because they thought that we had willingly acquiesced and seemed to be resigned to our situation.

All of us in the community have to work. We were divided into groups and each group takes care of the cleaning of the whole premises for the day. This day is a very significant one. The cleaning was being done by a group of five persons among whom were Capitalist Madrigal and Communist Taruc. I wish we had been able to take a picture when the two were working side by side—Madrigal with a broom sweeping and Taruc following him around with the waste receptacle to put the trash in. It is symbolic of an ideal situation. It is not utopian to believe that capital and labor can be together. This confinement might yet result in a solution of the serious problem of relationship between capital and labor. Capitalists can continue but they must give an equitable participation to laborers, participation which will enable the workers to own land, build a small but cozy house, and have enough money to buy sufficient food, educate their children, and have a little amusement such as seeing moving pictures. With such an arrangement there, can be no labor troubles. Radicalism of the pernicious type cannot develop.

I am probably the most athletic among the group. I do not mind manual labor. In fact, when I learned that one of the work to be done was the grounds along the fence of the stockade, even before we were ordered to do so, I started moving the stones by hurling stones over the fence in the manner of a shot put. In that way, I got my work done and got my exercise. I run daily around the stockade grounds for an hour and shadow box for a few minutes.

This day is the beginning of poetical activity in the community. Don Claro M. Recto, a known poet, wrote a poem concerning each of the members of the original party of fourteen with the addition of Don Vicente Madrigal. The poem is so good and interesting that instead of describing it, I prefer to attach hereto a copy of the poem.

May 19, 1945 Saturday

The whole premises were cleaned thoroughly in preparation for the expected coming of Gen. MacArthur tomorrow, Sunday the 20th.

I had a long conversation with Don Vicente Madrigal. Two of the matters he touched upon I would like to record. The first was an incident involving himself and Confesor. While in Quezon City, he said that as President of the Philippine Chamber of Commerce, he went to see Sec. Confessor about matters involving the Philippine Chamber of Commerce. Confesor refused to receive him on the ground that he did not want to see or have anything to do with persons who collaborated with the Japanese.

Don Vicente said that it really happened this way. A meeting was called in Malacañan to discuss matters in which the Chamber was interested in. He arrived late, and as he was going up the stairs, he met Don Leopoldo Aguinaldo who was just leaving. Don Leopoldo, a director of the Chamber, was another big merchant and a good friend of the Japanese. Madrigal asked him why he was leaving. He answered that Confesor, before the meeting, stated that he will not sit in any place where there are collaborators, referring to Don Leopoldo. Don Leopoldo thought at first that Confesor meant it as a joke, but was told otherwise. When Madrigal heard what had happened to Aguinaldo, he naturally did not proceed to the meeting anymore. Aguinaldo sent a letter to Confesor asking in what way he had collaborated with the Japanese. Confesor did not reply.

Another incident involving Confesor was told to us. A former subordinate of Confesor, former Director Balmaceda, went to pay his respects to Confesor. Upon seeing Balmaceda, Confesor became very angry and insulted him for being a collaborator. He told Balmaceda that he had the nerve to show his face to him and that he ought to be ashamed of himself. This incident was confimed by Don Vicente.

These incidents lead us to believe that Confesor, as Secretary of the Interior, has something to do with our detention. It is part of his policy of persecution of alleged collaborators. I do not believe the people will approve of the attitude of Confesor. At any rate, it is highly prejudicial to the interest and future of our country. Now and after the war, our problems will be very serious. There is the work of reconstruction of our devastated cities and towns. There is the problem of rehabilitation. Food must be provided and our industry, commerce and agriculture be restored. The economic development of our country must be started and pushed with vigor, our currency made stable. These problems are so great that the cooperation and energy of all the Filipinos will be needed. The policy of Confesor will divide us and thus the concerted effort of all the Filipinos to solve said problems cannot be assured.

Don Vicente Madrigal talked also of Gen. Carlos P. Romulo. He said that Romulo is even rougher and more uncompromising than Confesor and Secretary Cabili. One day he saw copies of the Philippines Herald being sold in the streets. He learned that the newspaper’s daily publication started a week before. Romulo appears as Chief Editor. Don Vicente sent word to Romulo stating that he was glad that the Philippines Herald was already being published. It must be remembered that Don Vicente is practically the owner of the Philippines Herald as he owns the majority of the stocks. Romulo offered his regrets and apology to Don Vicente for not having informed him. Romulo added that the publication of the Herald would have to be suspended as Gen. MacArthur did not want any of the old newspapers to begin publication. Later the Free Philippines began its publication.

When Romulo arrived from the U.S., he did not visit Madrigal nor offer any help to him. Madrigal considers Romulo the most ungrateful man he has ever known. He bought the Herald upon the entreaty of Romulo who did not want the Herald to fall into the hands of the Roceses. He made Romulo the Editor. Romulo wanted to go to Chunking and other places in the Orient to be able to write on the conditions in those places. He had no money, however. Don Vicente granted him an unlimited credit that allowed Romulo to visit many places in the Orient and write a series of articles. These made him very famous in the literary world. The articles earned him the Pulitzer Prize, which also brought in some cash. After all he has done for Romulo, as Mr. Madrigal puts it, Romulo’s attitude of indifference towards him was the height of ingratitude.

On account of the expected visit of MacArthur, we decided to prepare a memorandum. We thought of doing this long before we knew that MacArthur’s visit. The memorandum was drafted by a Committee composed of Yulo, Recto and Paredes. It was later submitted to a general meeting, where we discussed it freely and each made suggestions.

May 19, 1945 Saturday

The whole premises were cleaned thoroughly in preparation for the expected coming of Gen. MacArthur tomorrow, Sunday the 20th.

I had a long conversation with Don Vicente Madrigal. Two of the matters he touched upon I would like to record. The first was an incident involving himself and Confesor. While in Quezon City, he said that as President of the Philippine Chamber of Commerce, he went to see Sec. Confesor about matters involving the Philippine Chamber of Commerce. Confesor refused to receive him on the ground that he did not want to see or have anything to do with persons who collaborated with the Japanese.

Don Vicente said that it really happened this way. A meeting was called in Malacañang to discuss matters in which the Chamber was interested in. He arrived late, and as he was going up the stairs, he met Don Leopoldo Aguinaldo who was just leaving. Don Leopoldo, a director of the Chamber, was another big merchant and a good friend of the Japanese. Madrigal asked him why he was leaving. He answered that Confesor, before the meeting, stated that he will not sit in any place where there are collaborators, referring to Don Leopoldo. Don Leopoldo thought at first that Confesor meant it as a joke, but was told otherwise. When Madrigal heard what had happened to Aguinaldo, he naturally did not proceed to the meeting anymore. Aguinaldo sent a letter to Confesor asking in what way he had collaborated with the Japanese. Confesor did not reply.

Another incident involving Confesor was told to us. A former subordinate of Confesor, former Director Balmaceda, went to pay his respects to Confesor. Upon seeing Balmaceda, Confesor became very angry and insulted him for being a collaborator. He told Balmaceda that he had the nerve to show his face to him and that he ought to be ashamed of himself. This incident was confirmed by Don Vicente.

These incidents lead us to believe that Confesor, as Secretary of the Interior, has something to do with our detention. It is part of his policy of persecution of alleged collaborators. I do not believe the people will approve of the attitude of Confesor. At any rate, it is highly prejudicial to the interest and future of our country. Now and after the war, our problems will be very serious. There is the work of reconstruction of our devastated cities and towns. There is the problem of rehabilitation. Food must be provided and our industry, commerce and agriculture restored. The economic development of our country must be started and pushed with vigor, our currency made stable. These problems are so great that the energy and cooperation of all the Filipinos will be needed. The policy of Confesor will divide us and thus the concerted effort of all the Filipinos to solve said problems cannot be assured.

Don Vicente Madrigal talked also of Gen. Carlos P. Romulo. He said that Romulo is even rougher and more uncompromising than Confesor and Secretary Cabili. One day he saw copies of the Philippines Herald being sold in the streets. He learned that the newspaper’s daily publication started a week before. Romulo appears as Chief Editor. Don Vicente sent word to Romulo that he was glad that the Philippines Herald was already being published. It must be remembered that Don Vicente is practically the owner of the Philippines Herald as he owns the majority of the stocks. Romulo offered his regrets and apology to Don Vicente for not having informed him. Romulo added that the publication of the Herald would have to be suspended as Gen. MacArthur did not want any of the old newspapers to begin publication. Later the Free Philippines began its publication.

When Romulo arrived from the U.S., he did not visit Madrigal nor offer any help to him. Madrigal considers Romulo the most ungrateful man he has ever known. He bought the Herald upon the entreaty of Romulo who did not want the Herald to fall into the hands of the Roceses. He made Romulo the Editor. Romulo wanted to go to Chunking and other places in the Orient to be able to write on the conditions in those places. He had no money, however. Don Vicente granted him an unlimited credit that allowed Romulo to visit many places in the Orient and write a series of articles. These made him very famous in the literary world. The articles earned him the Pulitzer Prize, which also brought in some cash. After all he had done for Romulo, as Mr. Madrigal puts it, Romulo’s attitude of indifference towards him was the height of ingratitude.

On account of the expected visit of MacArthur, we decided to prepare a memorandum. We thought of doing this long before we knew that MacArthur’s visit. The memorandum was drafted by a Committee composed of Yulo, Recto and Paredes. It was later submitted to a general meeting, where we discussed it freely and each made suggestions.

May 17, 1945 Thursday

It is rumored that Gen. MacArthur is coming on the 20th. We do not know the purpose of the visit. But we shall see.

I had considered Minister Jose Paez as one of those absolutely content with his lot. Being a quiet man, he has never been heard to complain. In my conversation with him today, I found that he is resentful of the treatment accorded to us. He believes that there was deceit in that we were not told at all that we were going to be arrested, detained and deported. The Americans ignored the idiosyncracies and customs of the Filipinos; we were not given any opportunity to see our families or, as in his case, to see whether they had left Tubao for Manila, and if so, where they lived in Manila. The Americans do not know the attachment of a Filipino to his family.

Chief Justice Yulo has been sick during the last few days. He has not been going to the mess hall. We all believe that the only thing the matter with him is he worries too much and broods constantly. He just cannot understand why he should be detained and deported after his attitude of defiance against the Japanese which almost cost him is life and after he had served the cause of America.

I do not mean to make this a “Who’s Who”. But there are other personalities, characters and persons in this community of which special mention must be made.

The first is Don Vicente Madrigal, reputed to be the richest man in the Philippines. He was a schoolmate and one of the most intimate friends of Quezon and Osmeña. In fact, they used to confide in him their innermost secrets. From a humble beginning as a coal dealer, he became the coal king of the Philippines, controlling the greater portion of the coal business. He later expanded his business to almost every branch of business endeavor. He became a shipping magnate, a large scale merchant, a manufacturer (cement and sugar), an agriculturist, etc. His name was connected with almost all the big businesses in Manila. In recognition of his rise in the business world, he was elected president of the Philippine Chamber of Commerce many times. He became a real tycoon. Pres. Quezon recognized his ability, and although he knew that Don Vicente loathed politics, he compelled him to be a candidate for Senator in 1941. He was elected, but the war came and he was not able to occupy his seat. During the Japanese regime, he was a member of the Organization Committee of the First Council of State, the preparatory committee for Philippine Independence which drafted the Constitution of the Philippine Republic and the Planning Board. Probably more will be heard of Don Vicente when the rehabilitation period comes. It will be a crime not to make full use of his experience and unquestioned ability.

There is another person of an entirely different type. He is a notorious character. He is Francisco C. de la Rama, alias Francisco Concepcion, alias Francisco Angeles, and now F.C. or Frank. His admirers call him “Don Paco”. I tried to avoid mentioning him as I do not care to talk about the bad side of anybody, especially those who, like De la Rama, are with us and who do their best to comfort and help us. But today he himself told us his whole story. He misappropriated funds belonging to Bachrach & Co. while he worked for them as a sales agent in the Bicol region. His picture was at one time posted throughout the Philippines for having been accused of “estafa” by the Gonzaga’s of Negros. A prize of ₱500 was offered for his arrest. He fled to Singapore and to other foreign countries. But he became homesick and returned to the Philippines. He was in hiding in Jolo, in La Union, and in the Ilocos region. Unfortunately for him, he was discovered and arrested everywhere he went. However, he always managed to keep out of jail by bribing the arresting officers. At one time, the very Constabulary officer who arrested him helped him escape to Baguio. It was then the time of the mining boom. He bought over 40 mining claims for ₱200 each and sold them at ₱5,000 each. With this large sum, he was able to settle all claims against him. He then assumed the surname of De la Rama pretending to be the nephew of the big millionaire, Don Esteban de la Rama of Iloilo. Because of his name, he was made Director of a mining company. He was later accused of “estafa” with more than 50 counts against him by the stockholders of the company. He was convicted only on one count and sentenced to one year and eight months, but as he was a recidivist he was given an additional sentence of 10 years. He probably was pardoned because when the Japanese came, he became the foremost “buy and sell” man. He made millions easily in his business with the Japanese Army and Navy. He also became one of the biggest men in the real estate business. His name was heard everywhere. He overshadowed famous names like Madrigal, De Leon and Fernandez. He especially became famous because of his published donations to charity of thousands of pesos. He gave money to the Government for scientific research. He donated a big sum to the “Timbolan” to feed the needy. He made large donations not only to institutions, but also to individuals. It is said that upon his arrest, a big demonstration of laborers was staged demanding his release. He is now with us. He has been very helpful to everybody. He seems to have been able, by his usual means, to elicit the good side of the guards and, for this reason, we are now able to receive things from the outside and to send out anything. He is still young and if hereafter he becomes careful with his conduct, he may still be a real power in the business world, being an intelligent and able man.

There is a real personality in our group. I am referring to Major Gen. Guillermo B. Francisco. This is the highest rank that has ever been attained by a Filipino in the U.S. Army. In 1908, he was one of the first graduates of the Philippine Military Academy in Baguio. He rose from the ranks. In each province where he was assigned, he left a record for efficiency and wise and impartial enforcement of the law. He could not be bribed nor influenced by politicians. For this reason, politicians in some provinces molested him by presenting unfounded and absurd complaints. He was Chief of Staff of the Constabulary for many years. In 1936, he received his just and well merited promotion to Brigadier General. From 1938 to 1941, he was Chief of the Philippine Constabulary. Just at the beginning of the war in Dec. 1941, he was promoted to Major General and continued as Chief of Constabulary, which afterwards became a division of the Philippine Army. Upon the induction of the Philippine Army into the U.S. Army, he naturally became a Major General in the U.S. Army. As such he also had to retreat to Bataan where he was placed in charge of a very important and strategic sector. He acquitted himself very creditably. While there he was ordered by Gen. Wainright to go to different places for pacification. Believing that it was for the interest of his country to maintain peace and order, he did his best to comply with the instruction of Gen. Wainright. When Bataan surrendered, the Japanese placed him in the concentration camp at Camp O’Donnell. He was later transferred to Camp Stotsenberg where he with hundreds of other captured USAFFE officers were required to finish a rejuvenation course prescribed by the Japanese. He was returned to Camp O’Donnell where the Japanese requested him to organize the Government Employees Training Institute for the rejuvenation of public employees. And so he was released.

His stint with the training institution was cut short by his appointment as Chief of Constabulary with the rank of Major General. But this too did not last long because the Japanese did not trust him. He was relieved as Chief of Constabulary. The Japanese were right as his sympathies were with the guerrillas; as a matter of fact, he did not take action against Constabulary men who deserted and joined the guerrillas. He had even formulated plans to convert all the Constabulary to guerrillas when the proper time came.

After his relief, Pres. Laurel made him Chairman of the Advisory Board for Peace and Order. The President in doing so only wanted to save the General as he knew that the Japanese would otherwise arrest him and kill him. Together with Generals Manuel Roxas and Capinpin, he was forced to go to Baguio and there subjected to a very close surveillance. They assigned a Japanese Military Police to watch him. He was very anxious to rejoin the U.S. Army so that at the very first opportunity, he escaped from Baguio to go to the territory occupied by the Americans and present himself to them. He reached the American lines in April. Almost immediately after his arrival he was taken to Manila and there detained. He was subjected to the humiliation of photographing and fingerprinting. He was so indignant that he wept. He was later deported to Iwahig Penal Colony and is still with us. He is terribly bitter. He said he cannot understand why when the Japanese got him, he was put in a concentration camp and now that the Americans are here he is also imprisoned. Gen. Francisco is only 60 years and much more will be heard of him.

There is another person I would like to mention. He is Mr. Esteban Marcelo, an old man probably in his seventies. He is the biggest fisherman or fish dealer in Tondo. He is a friend of many big and influential public officials, especially Minister Paredes. Before the war, he frequently inivited high officials for a fish dinner at his house. During the Japanese regime, Japanese Military Police were seen quite a number of times eating dinner at his house. Such an act is now being considered as cooperation and for this reason he is now with us.

We have one military governor of a district and that is Hon. Sergio Aquino. We have also one provincial governor, Mr. Jose Urquico. Aquino is the Military Governor for the Third District and Urquico the Governor and later the Deputy Military Governor of Tarlac. They were accompanied by a young man by the name of Rafael Aquino. Why were these Military Governor and Provincial Governor singled out when there were so many military and provincial governors? And why was Rafael detained since his arrival in the Philippines from Japan, when he is only a boy without any record of service to the Japanese? Probably, there are other governors who have cooperated more actively and effectively than Aquino and Urquico. The only explanation that could be found is that Sergio Aquino is a relative and brother-in-law of Benigno Aquino, Sr.; Jose Urquico is also a brother-in-law of Benigno. Benigno Aquino was Speaker of the National Assembly and as such he was the second man in the Philippine Government officialdom. He is known to be the most rabid pro-Japanese. He had made many virulent speeches against America and the Americans. He is considered even more Japanese than Pres. Laurel himself. He went to Japan with Pres. Laurel and we can now almost surmise what would have happened to him if he had stayed in the Philippines.

May 16, 1945 Wednesday

Perhaps no small community has ever seen such divergence in social position, in worldly possessions, education and political beliefs and principles. We have people who dominated Manila society and men who have never seen the halls of Manila society. We have the worst criminals and men who cannot break the most innocent act against the law. We have the richest men in the Philippines and men of the poorest class. We have doctors of law and first order literary men, and men who are illiterate. We have men who are communists and men who are typical representatives of the capitalistic class. We have men opposed to independence and men who will sacrifice their lives for the independence of their country. We have a man who has no par in the Philippines—Dr. Moncado who controlled the most powerful Filipino organization in America and who founded a sort of religious sect in Lanao. With such divergence it would seem that there would be conflicts and rivalries among us. But such is not the case. Each person looks at the other as a friend. There is harmony and understanding. Probably our common fate is uniting us.

There are two persons I am very interested in knowing. One of them is Dr. Hilario Camino Moncado. He is known all over the Philippines because he was the president of the Filipino Association to which almost all the Filipino laborers or Filipino working class in America is affiliated. He has lived in America for many years so that he knows America and the Americans better than any of us. I had a talk with him and I got the impression that he is against independence. His reasons are not clear, but he said something which if true is worth mentioning in a diary like this. He said that America will never give up the Philiipines, as they will use this country not only as a commercial base, but also as military bases. He said that America is preparing for a showdown with Russia and for this purpose, she will need the Philippines. I reminded him that the American people will not stand for that as they are against militarism. He answered that America and the Americans have this attitude and they will not hesitate in using the Philippines for preparing for another war. I, of course, do not agree with him. I feel that I also know the Americans because I have been with them for five years, the latest being only in 1938-39. I was present when Congress almost unanimously disapproved a big outlay for the fortification of Guam. I still believe that the Americans are not militarists and that they will not do anything in the Orient that may involve them in future wars.

I also reminded Dr. Moncado that under the Tydings-McDuffie Act, we will attain our independence on July 4, 1946. Moncado assured me that the Tydings-McDuffie Act will be revoked or modified so as to postpone the granting of independence for a number of years. I remarked that if we do not get our independence now we will never get it.

But I want to discuss the practical side. How could independence be postponed? Under the Tydings-McDuffie Act, postponement will require the approval of the Filipino people. Moncado is sure of the approval and when I asked him why he was so dead sure, he stated that Wall Street will intervene as this country is a good commercial base. He said with the influence of Wall Street, we Filipinos will have to approve postponement. Of course the insinuation is clear. Wall Street will flood the Philippines with money and use it to get the votes of the Filipinos. I also cannot agree with him. I am afraid he is out of touch with the public sentiment in the Philippines and the psychology of the Filipinos. My opinion is that the moment Wall Street interferes with Philippine affairs, whatever cause it may support will be a lost one. There will be a very strong reaction against the use of money to influence us. I want to admit, however, that Dr. Moncado is not alone in that belief. Alunan and Zulueta also believe that the Filipino people will vote for postponement, not because of the influence of Wall Street, but because the Philippines having been almost completely destroyed as a result of the war, the Filipino people will well understand that we will need America for our rehabilitation.

I cannot agree with their views and predictions. I think the Filipino people will vote against postponement of independence. I also doubt if America will be in a position to be of much help as she herself will find difficulty raising taxes and paying amortizations of her national debt. Furthermore, unless we become a part of America, she will not be interested in helping the Philippines as evidenced by the attitude of Tydings. It seems that the sacrifices made by the Filipinos, including the martyrdom of thousands upon thousands will not be sufficient to deserve the help of America. Finally, I am not convinced that we would necessarily need the help of America for our rehabilitation. It will all depend upon what kind of an economic state we wish to have. If we want our industries and agriculture to be developed in a large scale as in the past, to have many millionaires or rich men with palatial homes and many automobiles, then we must solicit the assistance of America.

But that is not my ideal setup. I wish there were more millionaires and rich men but I am not very interested in helping them. They may be able to solve their problems without any assistance. My ideal economic state is where there is no poor, where people have enough to feed themselves properly, to educate their children, and still have a little money for enjoyment. This is the ideal state; this is the condition that will free us from discontent and revolution. With such a modest program, we will not need the help of financiers with their millions. We need only funds to develop our idle lands which are abundant and fertile, to rid these areas of malaria and other diseases, to build roads to make them accessible to other towns, to subdivide them into farms and secure title for each holding, to amply finance the farmers who choose to colonize these areas during the first year or years of their colonization. Do not be miserly with them. The failure of colonies in the past has been due to the fact that the support of the government was timid and only half-way. The prospective colonist was dumped in Mindanao, and upon arrival they did not know where to go to seek help. They encountered all kinds of difficulties: malaria, lack of transportation facilities, lawsuits involving titles to the land they had cleared, etc.

What we need is a modest program by which we can uplift the masses; by which each family will be a small land proprietor. In this way, discontent and revolution cannot breed. The conservatism in Batangas where radical movements had not progressed is due to the fact that almost everybody is a land holder. With the masses happy and contented we can still build up a united and strong nation.

The other personality is Mr. Luis Taruc. He was reputed to be a Communist or Socialist. He had the reputation of being very radical. He was known to be against any government and to be ready to kill if necessary to propagate his ideals. In fact, some killings in Pampanga like that of Tapia had been attributed to him. Now he is detained here, not because he collaborated with the Japanese as the fact was that the Communists never fought with the Japanese, but because he refused to disarm his followers. I asked him what he is now. He answered that he is still a Socialist, but for the present he is abandoning socialism. He organized the United Front, the purpose of which is to work for social reforms in favor of the small men and, above all, for the independence of the Philippines. He thinks the Filipino people will vote against postponement. Regarding independence, they will accept no compromise. They will fight anybody, including Americans, if they are Imperialists. They are ready and willing to join or have an understanding with any political party or group whose platform is immediate independence. They would even submit to the leadership of others on this question. He is accompanied here by the assistant leader of their organization, Mr. Casto Alejandrino, who is also reputed as a dangerous radical. I found both of them very reasonable and very patriotic. With men like them, there is no fear of a revolution against a government which is honest and just and not run by special interest groups nor by corrupt officials who take advantage of their positions to enrich themselves—a government whose only aim and purpose is the upliftment of the masses who are undoubtedly entitled to happiness. Without discontented elements there can be no revolution.

May 15, 1945 Thursday

I asked Madrigal whether he had seen and talked to Osmeña and why Osmeña went to the United States. He said Osmeña had to go to Washington on account of the attitude of Senator Tydings, The Chairman of Insular Affairs. The U.S. Senator had said that we had to decide whether or not we wanted independence; and that if we chose independence, they would no longer meddle nor help. We would have to run our ship alone. If we wanted them to assist in the rehabilitation, we would have to ask the U.S. to withdraw their promise of independence or at least ask for the postponement of independence.

Coming from Tydings, it is quite a surprise. Independence was a settled question. We were to have it on July 4, 1946. Tydings was one of the authors of the bill (Tydings-McDuffie) providing for that independence. Why raise it up again? Why not just say, “Since you are going to have your independence, the United States can no longer help you in the rehabilitation.” We suppose that Tydings represents the opinion of his committee and the sentiment of the American people.

The statement of Tydings will cause a distinct surprise and disappointment to the friends of America in the Philippines. Before the coming of the Americans, almost every Filipino was waiting for the Americans, for many reasons. One of them is that some believed that it is of great material advantage to be connected with America. They believed that commercial preference like free trade would be continued. Some have connections with officials and employees of American firms and they wanted the Americans to come to be able to return to their former jobs. Unfortunately, there are many others whose motives were not very holy. They believed they will receive back salaries or back pay, pensions and indemnities for properties destroyed on account of the war. They believed that the United States would help us even after granting us independence. They consider it as some sort of compensation or recognition of the firm stand of the Filipinos in favor of America and the sacrifice of tens of thousands of Filipino lives for the triumph of American arms. To those people, the stand of America as expressed by Tydings will constitute a great disappointment.

Again the question of independence comes up. This question has divided us in the past and has been the cause of the stagnation of the development of Philippine economics. Instead of devoting their whole time and energy to the economic development of the country our public men devote their time to the discussion of political questions. Again, we will be losing time—time we need so very badly to prepare and carry out the program of rehabilitation and reconstruction. We should have a complete program for the economic development of our country.

We will again be divided and perhaps the campaign and speeches will be even more lively and bitter. I, for one, am in favor of independence right now. If America wants to assist in our work of rehabilitation, she can do so even with independence. Is not the sacrifice made by the Filipinos, the loss of tens of thousands of the flower of our youth, enough to merit assistance? But the Americans want the postponement of independence before they would help us. We are not stupid enough not to know that postponement means permanent retention of the Philippines by America.

In my opinion, the postponement of independence will merely delay the foundation of our nation. Whether we like it or not independence is coming. If we turn back and ignore the patriotism and sacrifice made by our forefathers to attain that which of right belongs to us—independence—and we now become anti-independence or propose the postponement of independence, you can be sure that other people will take up the cudgels. We may defeat them now because of our influence and means. But in the long run they will be the victors because their cause is just. It is the only goal that any self-respecting people can strive and fight for. The sacrifices for the sake of attaining independence were great and such sacrifices should not be in vain. Independence will come whether we like it or not. If so, let us begin early. Let us lay the foundation now for a united and strong nation. Why delay? Let us tackle fearlessly the problems now confronting us, and if America does not wish to assist us, then let us do it with our own energy and resources. We are not wanting in these, but there have been no concerted and well-defined programs for the full and vigorous use of such energy and resources.

Three news reports were received of interest to us.

The first is the formal surrender of Germany. It was received with joy, not only because we want the Allies to win, but also we believe that with Germany eliminated and the war in Europe ended, the war in the Pacific cannot last much longer. As a matter of fact, a good portion of the Army, Navy and their equipment is being transferred to the Pacific.

The second news is the occupation of Baguio by the American Army without much of a fight. We were worried because of friends and high government officials who are still there. We learned, however, with great satisfaction, the Ministers Emilio Tirona and Arsenio Luz, and Vice Minister Pio Pedrosa were safe and have already been brought to Manila to the concentration camp. It seems that the Japanese did not massacre or kill anybody before retreating as they did in Manila. This is was because of the fact that the Defense Commander of Baguio was General Babe, a very old retired general who had been sent to the Philippines to be the adviser of the Philippine Constabulary. He was a very kind gentleman with a feeling of true friendship for the Filipinos. When he was placed in charge of the defense of Baguio, we expected that no serious defense of Baguio would be made.

We began to ask each other whether it would have been better for us to have remained in Baguio like Ministers Tirona and Luz. The unanimous opinion seems to be that notwithstanding our hardships and sufferings experienced during our trip from Baguio to Tubao and the loss of almost all our personal belongings, we still do not regret our having come as we were able to avoid the dangers caused by almost continuous bombing and shelling, the menace coming from retreating Japanese and from men who were not real “guerrillas” but whose only purpose was to loot or rob other people.

The third news is to the effect that Balete Pass had already been taken by the Americans and that they are now in Sta. Fe. It took a long time for the Americans to capture Balete, which is a strategic ground for the defense forces. Now that this difficult natural barrier had been taken, it is now expected that the Americans will go faster in the campaign for the occupation of the Cagayan Valley.

May 14, 1945 Monday

We held a general meeting with Mr. Stanford. He promised to do what he could. To reciprocate, we opened our hearts to him, and upon his suggestion, submitted copies of our memoranda containing accurate facts about our connection with the Japanese. Most probably, the originals were not considered at all since they were submitted on the day before our departure from Quezon City on April 29, 1945.

I wish to say one more thing about Minister Alunan who had been the strongest and most consistent advocate of the Americans. Even during the Japanese regime he could not hide his feelings and he was many times at the point of being arrested. He was saved only by President Laurel. I knew all these, so that during my first interview with the Americans where I was asked about some Filipinos, I asked them to get Mr. Alunan from Baguio immediately, kidnapping him if necessary before the Japanese arrested him. However, the next day, Mr. Alunan appeared at the stockade. What an irony that this man is also among those placed in the concentration camp by the Americans. It makes my blood boil. But Mr. Alunan, notwithstanding such an injustice, has not for a moment lost his faith and confidence in America. He seems content with everything, and he rendered me a great service when he comforted me in my moments of desperation and anger. During almost my entire life all my connections and relations were with Americans.

But last night, Alunan was seen weeping bitterly. A few days ago, a kind Colonel, a true blooded American, visited him in the concentration camp and told him that he (the Colonel) had been entertained by Alunan’s family in Manila. To reciprocate, he offered to deliver a letter from Mrs. Alunan. The Colonel did not bring the letter with him but he promised to send the letter. Days passed, no letter came. What moments and days of anxiety and despair! A letter from a dear one, who would not give anything to have it! I would give anything to hear from my family. We could not understand why such an important letter could not be delivered. So, we saw him cry for the first time. Tears of indignation perhaps. Fortunately, the letter finally arrived. He became the happiest man in the camp. His happiness however was our sorrow. I could not help shedding tears not because of envy, but I thought the Americans should at least follow the instruction of former Pres. McKinley to the members of the First Philippine Commission to respect the customs of the Filipino people, including their prejudices. The Filipino attachment to his family should have been understood and respected. But it seems that there is a premeditated plan to humiliate us, to make us suffer. We can write to our family only through them in order that our family cannot know where we are. What a punishment! Remember, we were brought here without giving us any opportunity to see our family to say goodbye, just to give them that satisfaction so that they would not worry. We are allowed to write only about certain family matters. Since there were so many things we were forbidden to mention, when we wrote them again, we were merely repeating the same things.

The mess is a big hall with several tables placed around the different places in the hall. Because it was cooler, we selected a table on one end of the hall. This table was taken away and the tables were placed close together so that we had to mix with the others. Why do they pay attention even to little things like this. But it is better. It gives us an opportunity to get to know each other better. I am very happy to know that they are not unprincipled men whose only inclination is to commit crimes. Some of them are more decent than many I have known in the higher classes of society. Some are very kind, very sincere and always willing and ready to help his fellow men. How many men are imbued with that spirit?

In the general meeting, Mr. Sanvictores reported about his conference with Lt. Severance. There were many details. He reported that hereafter, bringing in things from the outside or taking things out of the camp is absolutely prohibited unless done through Lt. Severance. This has put a stop to outsiders expressing their appreciation or their sympathy or approval of our conduct by means of material donations.

It was reported also that we could no longer send our dirty clothes outside to be washed. The order was caused by the fact that a guard caught somebody smuggling in laundered clothes, and he reported the matter to the Lieutenant. If such is the rule we have no objection. All of us are willing to do our own laundry. During the first weeks here, for the first time in my life, I had to wash my own clothes and I found it not an undesirable job. But we have no water in the quarters nor laundry soap. Fortunately, it had been raining everyday and we used to take baths in the rain and do a little laundry. We proposed that until facilities are provided, we be allowed to send the laundry outside. The Lieutenant would not give in. When he was reminded that we could not do any washing without water, he merely shrugged his shoulders, stating that nothing could be done. In this respect, they are extremely unreasonable. They do not care to listen to reasonable and absolutely justified petitions.

Today was a black day for us. The treatment accorded us was stricter and very rough. We had two guards who must hate non-white people. They treat us just like small kids in school. They line us up four by four, ordering us in an imperative and insulting way. One constantly cursed.

It rained very hard and we could not cross the street to wash our mess kits without getting wet. The guards watched every one; anybody with more utensils than what he should have because he offered to wash the plates and utensils of somebody else, was made to return them. Filipinos are courteous and helpful. The sick ones, like Gov. Urquico, were offered help. This was not permitted. The guards would let the sick men die. It is not even human. When we were lined up and about to march, one of the guards remarked: “I will straighten you up.” We do not know what he meant by that.

We do not in the least object to the strictest discipline meted out to us. In fact, we have been obeying without any complaint. There was one guard who perhaps was the stricter than the others. But he was not abusive and we like him very much. We ask no favor or special consideration. All we want and expect is treatment dispensed to human beings and not to animals.

May 13, 1945 Sunday

Heard Mass.

Something should be said about the people living in the island outside the penal colony. Up to today, nobody has ever sneered at us. We have not heard any provocative remarks. On the contrary, we could read in their eyes that they fully sympathize with us. They communicated this sympathy, not only by oral expression, but by deeds. They shower us with donations of clothes and gifts of food. I brought no clothes as I lost them all when we moved from Baguio to Tubao. I was given many to make me comfortable. I have more food than I can eat; food I had not tasted for many months—fried chicken, adobo, fish, etc. Instead of indignation, we observed nothing but sympathy and approval. Certainly, men who had been traitors to their country or who had betrayed their people do not deserve such treatment.

Among our good friends are Dr. Dimayuga, Dr. Bunye, Col. Barros, one Mr. V. Macasaet, and many others who did not even want their names known.

The strict treatment continues. I fear that the attitude of the Filipinos towards America will change. The Americans were awaited with great anticipation. They were welcomed as true friends, as liberators, and as heroes. They were the legion of democracy and the Philippines will after the war enjoy a long era of prosperity and happiness due to the benevolence and liberality of the Americans. Let us see what will be the final attitude of the Filipino people.

Today I overheard a conversation among the men who had come from Bilibid where they had been detained since their arrest. They said that hundreds are already there and every day many more are coming. It appears that the C.I.C. requested each of them to make written statements naming persons who collaborated with the Japanese or who had committed murder, robbery or any serious act. Almost everybody complied. The statements contained names of many who really served the Japanese as spies or military police, but they also named many innocent persons. Those who had any kind of grudge against another included the name in his list. Generally, those mentioned are arrested and this explains the overflowing of prisons and concentration camps. It is reported that there was one who submitted practically the whole roster of high officials in the government so that they too would be arrested. His motive was to fill the prisons with influential persons so that they could constitute a good nucleus which could influence politics to work in favor of the prisoners.

In this connection, something should be said of the Counter Intelligence Corps (C.I.C.). Most of them are undoubtedly intelligent, qualified, and very sympathetic to the Filipinos. There are others who abuse their authority, and others whose procedures are objectionable. They would visit the prospective prisoners, and be as kind and friendly to them as they could be. The prisoners are allowed to go home and circulate very freely. Once full confidence is attained, the C.I.C. man would ask the prospective prisoners to make a full statement of their cases and to name persons who are really guilty. Believing that they could thus exonerate themselves, and at times as a spontaneous demonstration of cooperation brought about by such good treatment, they would “confess” everything. Later, however, they are arrested generally by C.I.C. men other than the men who first approached them. These are from stories of Govs. Aquino and Urquico and others who came from Bilibid. Because of this information, many of us now doubt the sincerity of Mr. Stanford. As I stated above, he was very kind. He even criticized President Roosevelt and many C.I.C. men. He distinctly and repeatedly told us that he fully sympathized with us and even believed that we should not have been molested.

Gov. Urquico is very bitter towards Americans. Like Recto, he also attributed our bad treatment to racial prejudice. I attach special importance to this because he is married to an American with whom he has many children. As far as I know they have been very happy.

May 12, 1945 Saturday

A general meeting was called. Mr. Paredes explained that there had been thefts in our premises, quarrels, and the sanitation measures were not being observed. He said that the time had come to decide whether the administration and enforcement of the rules should not be turned over to the Army. A general discussion ensued. It was the prevailing opinion that we should continue administrating our own affairs. But everybody should agree to abide by the decision of the corresponding authority and to submit to any punishment meted out. All agreed. I am happy that this was the decision as we must show that we know how to take care of our own affairs.

In the same meeting we were advised by Mr. Sanvictores that a Colonel was coming to hear complaints or anything we wanted to say. We will be allowed to talk to him one by one. Many conferred with the Colonel. As they were private conferences, we do not know what was said. However, it is suspected, as a result of complaints on the part of a few, that one of the complaints is that there is a class composed of the big shots and that those big shots are treating and using the others as servants. Such a charge is of course absolutely untrue. In the first place, none of us ever claimed to be big shot, although Mr. de la Rama always refers to us as “We big shots.” It is true that some of the prisoners are serving us, but it was strictly voluntary. They were the ones who offered to render services probably in return for the fine treatment we extended to them and the many gifts of commodities that we give them. We offered money to them, but they refused. They are fine fellows. We fear that there are some who, for reasons of their own, want to create a division among us. They want the Americans to believe that class distinction exists and that the higher class is enslaving the lower class.

At about noon, many very unfortunate incidents happened. Before leaving for the mess hall, the toilet house was burned. There was quite an excitement as the fire threatened to spread to our quarters. All helped to put out the fire. Abello approached a guard to ask him to do something to prevent the fire from spreading to the quarters. The guard, instead of listening, roughly ordered Abello to go and line up with the others. We succeeded in putting the fire out.

Lunchtime at the mess hall, somebody took the mess kit of Madrigal and offered to get food for him. A guard shouted at Mr. Madrigal to get his own food. When Zulueta stood up to get his drinking cup, the guard also shouted at him to sit down. From the beginning many offered to clean our mess kits after each meal. When a guard saw somebody take Paredes’ kit to clean, he roughly ordered the man to return to his seat. I naturally did not allow Alfredo to get and clean my mess kit. Alfredo is a kindly man who voluntarily and without my previously knowing him offered to serve me. He served me very well. I later found out that he was a Makapili accused of murder. In the course of these incidents one guard was heard to say that he would “fix up those big shots”.

That same afternoon, we, the original fourteen men, met to size up the situation and to adopt whatever measures were necessary. After a discussion it was agreed to authorize Mr. Sanvictores to take up the matter with Col. Forbes through Lt. Severance. Since they themselves had been announcing our classification, we asked that it be formally announced and made effective immediately. After we are classified, we would ask that we be given separate quarters. I was of the opinion that if we were not given separate quarters, we would not be interested in the classification. I believe that our official classification would end once and for all the alleged division into ordinary people and big shots. In so far as food and other commodities are concerned, preferences and advantages have been in favor of those said to belong to the lower class. At any rate such an accusation should be used in favor of the segregation.

Last night, we (Recto, Gen. Francisco, Roy, Bayan, Sebastian, and myself) engaged in conversation just outside our sleeping quarters. Gen. Francisco continued to question his detention. He said that he fought in Bataan and was placed in a concentration camp by the Japanese. When he was released, Pres. Laurel insisted in appointing him Chief of Constabulary. While in that position he not only did not do anything contrary to the interest of the United States and the security of the guerillas, but even encouraged the Constabulary men to join the guerrilla forces. The Japanese had him removed as Chief and even threatened to kill him. After such antecedents, he cannot understand why he is now a prisoner of the Americans. Mr. Recto attacked our detention bitterly. He is sure that it is the result of racial prejudice. Many Americans harbor racial prejudice and even among the guards, it can be seen that they look down on us. The only course open to us is immediate, absolute independence. We will then be able to deal with America and other nations as an independent nation. Alunan is opposed to independence as he is sure there will be revolution in the Philippines. Recto answered that if a revolution has to come, let it come now as it is better to purge the Philippines of the bad elements. After the revolution we will have a stronger nation, just like what happened to America. Out of the civil war arose a more united and consequently stronger and greater nation. Alunan argued that the economic conditions of the Philippines require a period for rehabilitation. I answered that if America really wants to help she can do so even with independence. As an independent nation, we will be in a better position to rehabilitate our economies and also to bargain with America and other nations. Recto added that this is the most propitious time to have our independence inasmuch as Japan is gone and cannot recover within the next fifty years, whereas China will be very busy with their work of unification and construction. He ended by saying that he does not intend to enter politics anymore, but if he does, such will be his policy.

In the course of our conversation, Recto said that Roxas is for postponement of independence; Osmeña has always advocated independence after a period of economic readjustment and not independence at the present time.

May 11, 1945 Friday

Three officers, a Colonel, a Lieutenant Colonel, and Major arrived. We thought that they came to investigate our respective cases. We soon learned that they were here to inspect our quarters. They went all around and seemed to be satisfied with the sanitary conditions. The Major, however, began asking questions. We did not know his purpose. He asked me whether we were comfortable. I answered that for a prisoner, we were comfortable. He asked next whether we were happy. I of course had to answer him in the negative.

From the very beginning I was not happy as I do not like the implications of my detention. It implies treason to my country. This is far from the truth. I served my country and my people and no other country or people. There is also the implication that I was an anti-American. Given any antecedents and my connection, I can not possibly be anti-American. Finally, there is the implication that we constitute a menace to war security. Would I help the Japanese, especially after the death of my daughter at their hands? Considering these injustices, I cannot possibly be happy.

At 11 this morning, we were surprised to see Don Vicente Madrigal, the millionaire, coming. Everybody was glad to see him as we were all hungry for news from Manila. He said he was arrested two days previously, detained at Quezon City, and later brought by plane via Leyte. He told us about the destruction of Manila and the killing of countless Filipinos, including some very prominent people, by the Japanese, by American bombing and shelling, and the street fighting between the Americans and the Japanese. Asked about the attitude of the people towards us, he said that not only was there no bitterness, but that the public reaction was favorable. He also said that his feelings towards the present government is not that of enthusiasm. The head, Mr. Tomas Confesor, is dividing our people by going after those who held any kind of important position under the Japanese. Many reacted angrily to this. For instance, Macario Peralta, the head of the guerrillas in Panay, said that Confesor was not a hero as he did nothing but hide in the mountains.

Don Vicente Madrigal said that Gen. MacArthur seems to be in favor of the holding of sessions of the Philippine Congress. He furnished facilities to bring to Manila the Senators and Representatives. President Osmeña, however, answering an inquiry, wired against the sessions, saying that the policy with reference to the collaborationists must first be defined. To do otherwise may imperil our independence, the progress of rehabilitation and also the commercial treaties that we may want to enter into.

Madrigal also informed us that the economic condition in Manila is not satisfactory. Money was scarce and so were commodities. This was a surprise to me. I am sure it will be a disappointment to many who thought that upon the arrival of the Americans, money and commodities would be plentiful.

Asked about the cause of our detention, he answered that he had good reasons to believe that it was the result of pressure on the part of Filipinos who are now in power, like Confesor. I commented that such an attitude was regrettable. The financial and economic problems are very serious and all the Filipinos are needed in the solution of those problems. I made it clear, however, that in so far as I was concerned, I do not want to hold any more positions in the government.

May 10, 1945 Thursday

Everything was routine up to today. The classification had not yet arrived. An insinuation was made that we would be classified as officers and that we would be put together in one wing of one of the buildings in the same premises.

Upon the request of Paredes and myself a meeting was held this evening around the bed of Chief Justice Yulo. All the 14 men originally confined in Quezon City were present. Paredes suggested that we send a memorandum to President Osmeña and Gen. MacArthur explaining our case and protestations against our detention. I seconded him. He explained that our silence might be considered conformity or acquiescence to our situation. We have not been given an opportunity to defend ourselves. In fact, we were not even notified of the charges against us. The memoranda submitted to Mr. Stanford in Quezon City were unofficial according to him. Besides, they were not answers to specific charges. Furthermore, at about the time we submitted our memos we were turned over to the Army and the C.I.C. ceased to have jurisdiction over us.

I also think that we should ask for a clarification of Gen. MacArthur’s statement that we would be held during the duration of the war as a matter of war security. Does it mean that we constitute a menace to the war effort? If so, we would be willing to show that we do not. Some Ministers opposed the submission of any memorandum on the ground that it is unnecessary and might even be prejudicial. It was decided to draft the memorandum and decide what to do later. A committee for the purpose was appointed composed of Chief Justice Yulo, as Chairman and Messrs. Recto and Paredes, as members. Messrs. Abello and Sebastian were designated as assistants.